At the beginning of the year, the federal newspaper Noviye Izvestia published a large investigation into the privatization of real estate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Udmurtia. It describes the circuits in detail. The state property of the ministry was sold at a bargain price, and was later discovered in the main assets of the business of the former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia (chief of logistics) S. Nagovitsyn. Among them are a dormitory, a mechanical base, insulators, warehouses, parking lots, land plots, etc.
Law enforcement agencies turned a blind eye to this for a long time. In 2015, miraculously, a criminal case was opened for fraud. For show, obviously. The case was delayed for a long time and brought to court, only to be stopped there due to statute of limitations.
The release of your material about police scams in Udmurtia caused a resonance among the public. Was there any reaction from the security forces themselves: the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the prosecutor’s office?
Was. Not as expected. When the criminal case was hastily shoved into court, it was reclassified from a serious offense of major fraud to a minor offense of causing property damage. According to the light article, by that day the deadlines for bringing to justice had already expired, and the judge could thus easily terminate it due to limitation. That's what they did. Red tape on the face. Investigate a crime for five years to end it in court. This was done in order not to summon Colonel Nagovitsyn to a public judicial interrogation, not to ask him uncomfortable questions about the police real estate, which for some reason hangs on his offices. He didn’t even think about hiding it, transferring it to dummies, as is customary among us.
The Udmurt prosecutor's office completely abandoned the charges in court. Although I am sure, this position of the prosecutor’s office does not at all reflect the position of the victims, from whom large sums of money were stolen during the resale of a police hostel. The lawyer told me that it was clear that this was a very tense process for the prosecutor’s office - they sent as many as two prosecutors to the hearings at once to defend such an anti-civil line. In ordinary trials, people usually come from the state prosecution one at a time.
In general, a traditional story about defending the honor of the uniform. This is the work of the head of the department for combating organized crime of the Investigative Committee of the Investigative Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Udmurt Republic. They didn’t even hide the fact that they consulted with the deputy chairman of the Pervomaisky court on how to “bring this shameful matter to its logical end.” But they are performers, of course. I was very surprised by the recently retired Minister of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia Pervukhin. When I came to see him about this case, he told me that he wouldn’t even argue, that all these schemes with police real estate were invented by Nagovitsyn, that his old connections in the authorities were working. Because of my young age, I don’t understand that even former police officers need to somehow prepare for retirement, he told me this openly... Pervukhin, as you know, did not surrender his own until recently. But it would have been necessary. This ultimately ruined his career.
- How did the court explain its position? Were there options for interrogation?
Why, if you can just stop it because of the statute of limitations. The magistrate who made the decision—she is the same deputy chairman of the court with whom the investigators consulted—subordinates, and she also actively called him before making the final verdict. Although for her it’s wildly stressful, of course. At the first hearings, she held her head in her hands and did not understand why she was given such a complex criminal sentence for economic crimes. She is a justice of the peace. The decision has been made for more than a month, but the judge’s office still does not want to give the minutes of the meetings to the lawyer. What are they doing with them, rewriting them or something? And the appeal is not raised in the district for a long time, as if everything is stuck in a black hole. All this suggests that everyone is well aware of their responsibility.
- But we also heard about support.
Outside Udmurtia. Of course, there is support and there is understanding. Fact. The Prosecutor General's Office issued a personal order to the Udmurt prosecutor Panov in this case with the instruction: to stop violations of the law, to keep this case under its control. In 2016, at that time, the first deputy head of President Putin’s administration, Vyacheslav Volodin, issued strict orders to Kolokoltsev and sent them to Udmurtia - forcing officials to report. At least two deputies of the Russian State Duma became interested and sent their parliamentary inquiries. The federal media supported it.
Why, with such a powerful wave from Moscow, did our local Udmurt prosecutor and the minister do nothing?
For Moscow this is not a powerful wave, it is an ordinary wave. And ours... I don’t know, they probably think that they are immortal. This particular case with the figure of former Deputy Minister Nagovitsyn is, it seems to me, a vivid example of the fusion in spirit of the criminal business with the security elite of the region. Still, I think that the purchase of immunity went through top officials from the security forces.
People close to law enforcement agencies wrote to me that, in contrast to his human, let’s say neutrally, mega-frugality, he very quickly, instantly, at the first request of the current head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, rushed to sponsor, for example, eminent-military sports events. That story when he was detained for hawthorn and already on the third day was released from the bullpen, and then all traces of his presence were erased, and he was also indignant - it is also indicative. And then, you know, to depreciate down to the last penny and remove huge property complexes from the balance sheet of the federal law enforcement agency - this is never done alone. Those people who helped pull this off 10 years ago, some of them are probably still in office somewhere, and they have something to lose. And those who are now involved in the operation to remove a former high-ranking colleague from a criminal case, they also probably have something to lose. They have already signed their shameful resolutions, they have rewritten them a hundred times, they have already issued their indictments, they have already delivered their sentences. There, in my opinion, there is a lot of potential for abuse of power and abuse.
- Why is it so hopeless? Is there really not a single decent person left in the system?
You have the wrong idea. Of course, there are conscientious ones there. Many people are as sick of corruption as they are of you and me. I generally have positive impressions of the first detectives, the first investigators. They were not afraid to conduct searches of the colonel and thoroughly went through his real estate, accounts, transport, debts and even weapons. All this is in the case. It got ridiculous: they weren’t shy about expressing their contempt for their former colleague, so to speak. But when the interests of senior management come into play, what can they do? Nothing. There is essentially a military chain of command, everyone lives according to orders, no decision can slip past the boss’s desk. And if this happens, a whole set of tools to then turn it in the right direction. I am sure that those people who opened the case, where the colonel later ended up as a witness, are now being severely and repeatedly pecked at for their lack of foresight. But this does not prevent the court from dismissing the case later.
My sources told me that ordinary, non-managerial police officers have a very negative attitude towards Nagovitsyn. They speak about him in strong, concrete words. And at their planning meetings, when his name is mentioned - and this, apparently, happens often - everyone is sad and exhales in unison... Now, for example, after the publication, after parliamentary requests, the Internal Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia woke up and began its inspection. But how can it end? While the old Pervukhin deputies and heads of departments are sitting there, until a rotation of at least half of the composition occurs in both the regional Ministry of Internal Affairs and the prosecutor's office, I think they will not be allowed to advance far in their inspection.
Your investigation contains information that, let’s say, is very similar to operational development materials, to leaks. And this suddenly appeared completely repulsed, irrational fearlessness, let’s call it that. Because of this, some began to suspect you of connections with... Let's just say that some structures opposing the Ministry of Internal Affairs use you in their fight.
- (laughs). Yes, I've heard different versions. And that the FSB leaked the information and even the State Department is destroying our valiant law enforcement agencies. And that someone is sponsoring my activities. Well, that's nonsense. That the FSB does not have enough tools to eliminate its targets in order to attract me? I assure you, all the facts presented in the investigation are absolutely on the surface. This is a matter of two clicks, however, for those who are not lazy. I spent a lot of time on this.
It happened that people thrown at me by Nagovitsyn came out to me. And it turns out there are a lot of them. And there were very high-ranking people there and from the authorities themselves - this was a big surprise for me. We have formed a whole circle, one might say. They planted information - it’s true. But it was not suitable for publication, I could not use it in print due to the fact that they were not ready to give up their confidentiality, give their name and speak on the record, and in case of legal risks, confirm their words in witness status. For them, this is tantamount to being fired or being a corporate rat. For which they are anathema.
After publication they said, well done, well, I wrote it correctly, that’s how it is, exactly. It’s a pity, of course, that much of what was said could not be made public. But I saw a positive trend in the emergence of silent allies for myself.
Some dubious benefit. People want to fight corruption and people are afraid to compromise some dubious corporate values.
What we have, there is no other. But it’s good that such internal disagreements arise within, this is a sign of the beginning of health. You see, rapid qualitative changes are generally a difficult thing, and in the civil service it is doubly difficult. But there are changes. People in uniform have also begun to understand that some limit has been reached. They drove themselves into it, but still.
You know, I recorded some interesting things. After the investigation, in addition to laudatory greetings from law enforcement officers, officials and deputies first began to somehow make contact and add them as friends on social networks. Strangers began to trust me with some stories of their own, terrible stories that required human rights assistance. And what completely killed me was that two times people holding quite high positions in Udmurtia came out and asked for help, to urgently do something about police lawlessness. It was so unnatural, strange, unexpected, incomprehensible in sensations. Colonels who were hit by their own steamroller ask me for help. It’s impossible to fit this into the brain! This can be assessed in different ways, but I see hope in this.
- Were there any threats?
No, just the judicial reversal and dismissal of the charges that I was talking about. There was a little fuss in the public space. But it was not enough - a couple of trolls, I was surprised, I thought they would include much more opposition. The heroes of the publication, Tatyana Shestakova and Andrei Shtyagin, snapped very awkwardly, weakly, to put it bluntly. And who likes it when you step on their tail, you talk about their difficult relationship with the law. One, it turns out, is being prosecuted, the second has already been convicted twice - for fraud with real estate. There was also a call through an intermediary. They threatened to file a libel suit, make it so that I would still remain with this untouchable team, incite the cops against me, cut off... the sewer system, something like that.
Previously, I was very alarmed that Colonel Nagovitsyn would get my parents’ numbers and call them. They are simple, inexperienced people, from the village in a word. And during careful conversations about snowfalls, about planting potatoes - he is so tactful, so to speak, careful in this regard - he conveyed greetings to me through my parents. He asked me not to go anywhere else to complain. I regarded this as a threat. I asked him to stop talking with my parents, to which he replied that I could not tell him with whom he should communicate and with whom he should not. He calls whoever he wants, they say. After publication I stopped calling.
Do you expect a normal outcome if the roster is updated after the change of minister and prosecutor?
You must always rely on yourself and on joint efforts. And then what is a normal outcome? In a sense, for me, a satisfactory outcome has already arrived. Look, for a long time it seemed to me that I was swinging a saber alone, everyone seemed to be deaf and bronzed to the point of disgrace in their uniforms. There were even such people - grazing near the police leadership, for medals, or for something else, obliging each other, I don’t know. In general, they played a double game. They pretended that they wanted to help, but they themselves pulled information, pulled documents. Then I watched how this information got onto certain tables, and everything turned against me. They started to harass and instill fear. File vague cases - about slander, about insults.
This is worse than a “leaked” sentence. This is our society - this is you and me, instead of uniting and somehow together defending rights, exposing criminals, some prefer to work according to the laws of meanness. Help those who shield and protect criminals. Therefore, we can only hope for solidarity. Because the evil spirits, accustomed to sucking on budgetary and official money, will not dissolve on their own. When you tell her: “Don’t steal,” she doesn’t understand what you mean at all. She thinks that you are reaching into her pocket and taking it out of her pocket. I came across this and didn’t believe it for a long time, but I had to. Only joint efforts, in general. Only general concern for consequences is the antidote.
- The normal outcome is a fair sentence, this is when the thief goes to jail, no?
And again, you know, not all at once. And it's not that simple. This scandal will now be constantly reminded of him - both directly and indirectly, and with hints, and with refusal of business relations, even in every way. Some people even liked this scandal. The mental yoke now arises. Today they didn’t eat it, but tomorrow they’ll get caught on something else, and taking into account the past “dossier”, taking into account the incidents that have happened, they’ll grab it with pleasure. There are also heterogeneous trends in our bodies, and rotation, and the amount of bribes and kickbacks ceases to satisfy some, and someone’s “roofs” leak, they retire and become ordinary pensioners. And it happens, as in politics, big bosses suddenly unite for something, forgetting about personal contradictions. Or to exchange - to hand over one of yours for the sake of saving another of yours, sometimes it is necessary. But what exactly: “daddy” - in the sense of these ones that punch holes and hem, they are used for all large fish. If you hold or have held a position, have surpassed a certain capital level, then a deposit has been created for you. And everything is written down there - from beginning to end. And unlike positions, “daddies” don’t burn. I think anyone who has worked in the system understands this all very well. It seems to me that after the scams are exposed and made public, everything can no longer remain at the same point for the villains. For example, the same colonel, they told me that after a scandal he cheated his main partner, with whom he worked for many, many years, out of money. What is this if not nerves? This tells me that a person’s resources have begun to shrink; he suddenly needs more money and quickly. But the offended partner remained, and now he can go somewhere and give some testimony. How can I sleep peacefully now?
Another benefit is prosecutors, investigators, and unscrupulous judges who work for bonuses and direct orders from their superiors; they also, in some way, carve their cases in stone. Everyone remembers everything. And when decisions are required on them, no one remembers the circumstances; they remember what is carved in stone.
- Some wishes, perhaps, to our readers.
There’s definitely no need to just sit and complain. We need to create positive precedents. We must step over despair, make an effort over ourselves. Help each other - we have no one but each other. Together we can definitely do more, we will overcome everything. And if we can’t do everything at once, then at least we’ll start respecting ourselves. This is also a thing! Today you take an interview in your place and print it without scissors - this is a big shift. More than you think.
Editor's note Yu. Suntsova was the injured party in the story with the former real estate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Urals. It so happens that journalists are also deceived by scammers. She was known to be at war with black realtors over housing scams. But, by a strange coincidence, neither the police nor the prosecutor’s office were in a hurry to deal with the scammers. Later it turned out that the black realtors were led by the former police authorities in the person of the former deputy minister, and that they sold out under criminal schemes Mom’s housing is a former police property (dormitory of the special commandant’s office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs).
Sometimes police brutality looks quite ordinary. The leaders of the Izhevsk companies Ferum and Grand Casino encountered the first signs of unhealthy police interest at the end of last year. Judging by the cautious hints of familiar officials of the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs, the profitable business and well-located gaming halls attracted the attention of one of the police leaders, the head of the criminal police and first deputy minister Rinat Saitgareev. The company owners, although they took the threat seriously, decided not to panic for the time being. Moreover, the formidable security officer has so far limited himself to cautiously probing potential victims.
By April 2007, the security forces had matured to take concrete action. The blow was struck, as usual, suddenly. In the rich arsenal of ransomware there is a completely lethal, but expensive technique: “nightmare”. The technology, despite the intricate name, is quite simple: a criminal case is initiated against the “object” under any pretext, the further course of which is given depending on the behavior of the accused. The head of the fifth department of the RUBOP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Udmurt Republic, Robert Emilov, was ordered to begin “preventive measures.” They expressed themselves in a banal “assault.”
If you believe the witnesses of the police attack, Robert Emilov’s subordinates approached the matter creatively. For example, the equipment of two gaming halls located in Izhevsk on Gorky Street was confiscated, scaring away late civilians, albeit illegally, without a corresponding court decision, but in the evening hours, without spending state-paid working time on this. The personal cars of intractable businessmen have been put on the wanted list across the republic. Slowly, for more than three months, instead of the thirty days required by law, they carried out an examination of the captured equipment. They stoically ignored appeals from the management of companies whose activities were terminated without unnecessary explanation and for an indefinite period. We endured the puzzled questions of the tax authorities, who stated that the previously orderly millions of payments from Grand Casino and Ferum to the budget had ceased. They didn’t give a damn about the complaints of their employees who, as a result of a police raid, were subject to mass dismissal...
True, the police did pay attention to one employee of the Ferum company, Ilfat Zakirov. He was beaten half to death during interrogation, having been summoned to the neighborhood on a flimsy pretext. The complaint to the prosecutor's office had no significant consequences. Investigator Maltsev, who received the statement of the crippled businessman, approached the investigation with a keen understanding of the background of the unfortunate incident. The overzealous policemen were his friends. The prosecutor's office had no complaints against them, and therefore the case was successfully dropped. Knowledgeable people said that Zakirov got off easy. It’s good, they say, that policemen were sent to deal with him, not bandits. The “brothers” could have done better. As for the warm relations between Deputy Minister Saitgareev and his criminal charges, the whole republic has been talking about them for a long time.
The law is inexpensive, by barter and for cash
Rinat Annasovich Saitgareev, First Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs for the Udmurt Republic and head of the criminal police, is probably known to all adult citizens in Izhevsk. It is not to say that the colonel was extremely popular among the people, but he was recognized as having a well-known and very specific authority. A respectable appearance, a menacing look, competent speeches... Perhaps only his immediate superiors do not share his enthusiasm. And also Udmurt entrepreneurs. They express their opinion, albeit cautiously, but quite categorically: “In Udmurtia, after the appointment of Saidgariev, a whole system of kickbacks was built, in which part of the police was involved. And everyone solves their own personal problems.”
In fact, Rinat Annasovich instilled most of the current regrettable traditions in local law enforcement agencies on his own. Probably, the grip of the former Komsomol worker took its toll. He became a deputy minister at the end of the era of wild redistribution of property, and therefore did not have time to seriously turn around. But, as they said in the old days, he scraped his fill of scraps, not disdaining outright small things.
The scale of the colonel’s requests clearly highlighted the very first corruption scandal in the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs, which broke out and was successfully hushed up for reasons of “protecting the purity of the uniform.” It started out like a normal traffic accident. In August 2005, a year after Saitgareev was promoted to the status of first deputy minister, on the seventeenth kilometer of the Bodiinsky tract, a certain Mr. Zhuravlev caused an accident, which resulted in the death of two people. This citizen's car, a powerful Honda Acura, suffered relatively little damage. Actually, this circumstance predetermined the outcome of the case. The colonel liked the foreign car. As a result, a compromise was found with the redneck who was responsible for the car accident. They parted ways, as they say, amicably: the criminal case initiated into the death of people was dropped, and the repaired Honda became the property of a close relative of Rinat Annasovich.
Of course, not everyone can keep only greyhound puppies all the time. If Colonel Saitgareev shunned money on principle, then who would respect him in that specific society that is commonly called “criminals”? Probably only the prosecutor's office can accurately calculate the income of a modest policeman. Ordinary citizens can only guess the true scale of bureaucratic capital. This can be done using indirect signs of his well-being. Fortunately, even the famous magician Copperfield would not have been able to hide them, given the colonel’s salary of 25 thousand rubles. Take, for example, the policeman’s passion for the hundred-thousand-dollar suits from the latest collections of the Zilli house. Or, what is much more obvious, the deputy minister’s real estate.
Unlike most of our fellow citizens, the housing issue did not spoil Saitgareev. The Deputy Minister shows enviable taste in the selection of housing. He is building a dacha in the Doksha area, with a magnificent view of the Kama bend. And the colonel’s luxurious city cottage was located on the famous Kultbaza, in the village of Vostochny. For those who have never been to the capital of Udmurtia, it is necessary to explain: this is one of the cleanest areas of the city in terms of ecology, the land here is very expensive, and the place is considered extremely prestigious. Judge for yourself: the cottage complex is located within the city, but there are no buses, no noisy trucks, no smoking factory chimneys and dull poor barracks. There is only one tram for transport, and even then the line runs to the side. The locals are quite happy with this. To move around the city, they have their own limousines. Or personal cars with a “flashing light.” However, considerations of environmental well-being were not the main ones for Saitgareev. The lovingly decorated cottage sold for half a million dollars. In return, Saitgareev bought himself a grandiose landholding in the Biathlon Complex microdistrict, which its inhabitants affectionately call “Gorka”.
The allusion to Nikolina Hill in Moscow, in the area of the sovereign Rublevka, is not understood only by common people. Naturally, very wealthy people live there. Moreover, their wealth is calculated not only in the “green” ones. The neighbors in the blessed corner of the “small Motherland” were officials of the republican government, oil and gas workers and industrialists. It would be flattering for any Udmurt “silovik” to join such a select society. And not only. Living surrounded by the elite is good for your career and your pocket. For example, on an evening walk you can make wonderful acquaintances, and observing the life of the inhabitants of the powerful Olympus allows you to find out what these people are like. And, what is much more important, how they can be influenced in the future.
Colonel in authority
The colonel’s excessive, even by riotous Moscow standards, material well-being is difficult to explain by increased official salary and regular bonuses. In addition, it is known that none of Saitgariev’s relatives was engaged in commercial activities. He did not receive a rich inheritance. This begs the question: where does the Deputy Minister get his passion for luxury real estate? The answer is quite simple: his awareness of stock market fluctuations, rare for a policeman, saves him from poverty.
To put it simply, Saitgariev deals with securities. True, he conducts all transactions with them, that is, buying and selling, not personally, but through the “Gid” company. Moreover, of all the securities, he is most attracted to bank notes. In fact, the intermediary company he has chosen specializes in cashing out money. Of course, in our turbulent times it is difficult to engage in such a business: amateur money changers are covered by the very first audit. But no one has ever seriously checked the Guide company, although it cashes out about ten million rubles a day. Deputy Minister Saitgareev takes his business partners seriously, and therefore the “roof” he built does not leak. And the colonel had more than friendly relations with the owner of the Guide, Mrs. Gulyamshinova. ...
A comprehensive answer to the question about the origin of Rinat Annasovich’s other capital is given by a brief overview of his business connections. It, as knowledgeable people note, can successfully replace the directory “Who is who in the criminal world of Udmurtia.” Take, for example, the touching friendship of Colonel Saitgareev with Konstantin Prokoshev, known throughout Izhevsk. This businessman, together with another friend of the deputy minister, Ilham Zainulin, control the Treasure Island shopping and entertainment complex, which includes a good restaurant. Rinat Annasovich, a well-known lover of delicious food, often comes there, spending hours in the company of the owners of the establishment. It’s not hard to guess what exactly the table mates have been conferring about for so long: citizen Prokoshev is considered the recognized leader of the organized criminal group “Boloto”, and his companion is listed in the “combat reserve” of this criminal structure. At the same time, friendship is not limited to restaurant gatherings alone. Not long ago, Saitgareev was spotted at Ilham’s name day, in the company of other representatives of the criminal community, including Alexey Yakimov, known in Izhevsk, nicknamed “Red”.
What the soldiers and brigadiers of the Boloto organized crime group pay for the colonel’s friendship is shrouded in mystery. What Rinat Saitgareev does for his “brothers” is no secret. All Izhevsk operatives remember how, before his arrival at the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a special group of tough RUBOP professionals successfully worked in the “Swamp”. The neutralization of the gang was supposed to take place any day, but then the colonel intervened. Through the efforts of the deputy minister, the team, worthy of the memory of Gleba Zheglov, was dispersed, and its operational developments were shelved. But employees with a controversial reputation began to enjoy Saitgereev’s special patronage. Thus, citizen Bakhtiyarov, who had just been put on trial for abuse of office, was hired in the analytical department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Udmurtia. And the head of the RUBOP of Izhevsk, Emilov, whose fighters destroyed the premises of the Grand Casino and Ferum companies, is in fact closely related to Marat Gataulin, better known as a criminal authority nicknamed “Banker”.
However, it may well be that the colonel is friends with the bandits not at the behest of his heart, but out of cruel necessity. As you know, in our world, a businessman cannot survive without a criminal “roof.” And Rinat Annasovich undoubtedly considers himself a major businessman. After all, he is not engaged in a banal “buy and sell”, but in a serious matter. For example, he oversees the Empire boutique, quarreling over this with his colleague Sukhorukov, who looks after his competitor, the Leonardo boutique. Controls the republican illegal oil market, using the cover of the head of the Selena company. And the Central Market, one of the two largest in the city of Izhevsk, also “spuds”. True, in this business Saitgareev relies more on his shoulder straps. For example, he puts pressure on the shareholders of the Eastern Market, the only competitor of the Central Market, harasses its employees with police checks, and initiates a criminal case against the director. And every time, making a loud “attack”, he warns of possible troubles of a more serious nature.
The First Deputy Minister knows what he is talking about. It is difficult to consider it a mere coincidence that during his tenure in a leadership position, Udmurtia was overwhelmed by a wave of contract killings, most of which were never solved. Sergei Krasin was shot dead. Marcel Mingazetdinov, Marat Surmashev, Oleg Bizyaev, Dmitry Malykh, Mikhail Vitsin, Dmitry Shilyaev and Alexey Pushin fell victim to assassination attempts. Nikolai Vostrikov, director of a plastics plant, died at the hands of a killer. And every time, relatives and friends of the killed noted a strange connection between the affairs of the deceased and the commercial interests of individual police representatives. As they say, nothing personal. Business. Business of people in general's uniform.
Independence Day
As experts note, today it is difficult to name a type of commercial activity that has escaped the attention of “men in uniform.” Moreover, the development of the market has led to an interesting effect: today the police have simply pushed the “brothers” away from the most profitable “feeders”, while completely adopting gangster habits and methods. That is why it is so difficult today to fight corruption in the structure of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, where every rank, regardless of his personal dirtiness, fiercely defends the notorious “honor of the uniform.” So the companies “Grand Casino” and “Ferum”, in their confrontation with a representative of the corrupt law enforcement system, have to rely only on the prudence of the federal Center. Of course, the prosecution started by Colonel Saitgareev is unlikely to have a chance of ending in a guilty verdict. Absurd decisions are not in fashion these days. But what to do with the openly gangster component of the “administrative resource” of the first deputy minister? And what will happen to the “vertical of power” in this particular region if state representatives vested with boundless powers use them for clearly reprehensible purposes?
It is known that the political structure of the state presupposes a hierarchy of law enforcement agencies. In the event that a citizen or company is experiencing criminal pressure from the local police, justice for presumptuous law enforcement officers can be found in the prosecutor's office. When this does not help, you can go to court. Or, bypassing bureaucratic barriers, to the legislator. But in our country, this system does not work well. Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika diagnosed the existing system in his April report: “The measures taken by law enforcement agencies to counter this threat are clearly not adequate to the danger it poses.” It seems that regulatory authorities, including the internal security service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor General's Office of Russia, take the provision on the independence of local authorities too literally. After all, shouldn’t we consider, in fact, gangster raids with the participation of the police, an “internal matter” of an independent subject of the Federation, in which the Center cannot interfere?
On April 6, 2018, it became known that Alexander Pervukhin, who has been serving as Minister of Internal Affairs for Udmurtia since 2011, is resigning. The corresponding Decree signed by Russian President Vladimir Putin was published on the Kremlin website. Komsomolskaya Pravda talked with Vladimir Baimetov, chairman of the public council under the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Udmurtia, who told how Alexander Sergeevich’s work in the republic began.
TOOK EVERYTHING INTO OWN HANDS
The time when Alexander Pervukhin came to the department coincided with the reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs - the recertification of employees and the renaming of the police into the police.
The process was quite painful,” recalls Baimetov. At that time, he was a member of the certification commission of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Udmurtia. – Many former employees, even quite high-ranking ones, refused to undergo recertification. They just quit or retired. This was not just a renaming, it was a lot of meaningful work. And people were aware that the requirements were changing - level, content and quality. To pass the certification, you had to have real results behind you. Of course, at the same time, additional benefits appeared, salaries increased - for 2011 they were really decent. But the competitive selection itself has become more serious, and employee checks have become tougher.
It was then, at a turning point for the law enforcement industry, that Alexander Pervukhin was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia. He moved to us from the Sverdlovsk region, where he worked as deputy head of the main department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for his region.
By the way, during the reform of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the number of employees was reduced by almost 2 times. Despite this, the efficiency of the department remained at the same level, and later even improved.
I met Pervukhin as the chairman of the public council under the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Udmurtia,” recalls Baimetov. - There was “timelessness” - there were acting responsibilities before him, and everyone wanted the structure of the department to finally settle down. So that a person can come who will really take everything into his own hands, especially in those difficult times. There were many different fears - that now he would come, fire everyone, bring 30 of his own people, and disperse the old ones, sharply change the requirements...
Pervukhin was introduced, as was customary then, with the participation of the Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia - he spoke via conference call.
We gathered all the bosses, the council of veterans, and so on,” says Vladimir Baimetov. - And from the TV screen the deputy minister introduced Pervukhin as the new head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Udmurtia. This was the first time I saw him live.
Almost immediately after its official presentation, a meeting of the public council took place.
From the first words, I was captivated by his openness,” says Baimetov. – This is exactly the case when a person “does not need to be confused in his testimony”; he tells everyone the same thing. We immediately realized that he is a very direct person. And when he gave everyone his personal phone number and said that they could call at any time of the day, we were simply shocked.
WORK WITH PERSONNEL
The tasks facing Pervukhin were not easy - to complete the re-certification and put the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia into working mode.
We must pay tribute, he has a very objective and calm approach to people,” recalls Baimetov. - Alexander Sergeevich’s requirements were simple: to fulfill his professional tasks with dignity and quality. I have never seen him raise his voice to anyone. He quickly gained authority among employees. Another issue is the solution of social issues. Pervukhin was shocked when he found out the state of the waiting list for housing here. Here the queue among employees and veterans was longer than in the Sverdlovsk region! And this unpleasantly surprised him. He took up this issue and was able to get money for it. We built residential buildings (the last ones were commissioned in the early 90s), issued housing certificates, and some employees received cash payments for housing.
It was under Alexander Pervukhin that our ministry began to consistently occupy the top positions in the ratings of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. Many thanks were expressed to the employees who were involved in ensuring law and order at the Olympics in Sochi, the Universiade, and in hot spots. Alexander Sergeevich pays great attention to sports. Alexander Sergeevich is an athlete himself (master of sports in wrestling), and partly this is what shaped his character and attentive attitude to sports and its support, says Baimetov. –Employees actively and honorably participate in sporting events. I myself witnessed how representatives of various sports federations of the republic turned to the minister for support, and he tried to help and assist everyone.
WORK “BY THE LAW”
According to Vladimir Baymetov, with the arrival of Alexander Pervukhin, more attention began to be paid to the activities of the veterans council.
Before this, there was also a council and German Sergeevich Sannikov. Alexander Sergeevich made him his assistant and gave him official status. Before this, our leaders of the veteran organization had not received such status. This is both support for the veterans’ movement and an indicator of respect for German Sergeevich personally.
Of course, all these events happened before, but the content was different, the level was different. Take, for example, the procedure for taking the oath - before Pervukhin there was no such scale. I remember once standing in the rain, on the central square, in the village of Zavyalovo on the Heroes' Square, where there is a bust of General Saburov. And then, the ceremonial transfer of the received equipment (when they received cars for the local police and operational services and handed them over on the central square) - before Pervukhin there had never been such a quantity. This, of course, is the effect of federal programs, but I am convinced that his lobbying capabilities also played a role here. It also impresses the residents of the republic when a convoy of cars with special signals, with a special coloring... it inspires respect.
Separately, Baimetov also notes Alexander Sergeevich’s integrity.
He always paid great attention to legal requirements. He has a life principle and credo: if you don’t know what to do, act according to the law,” says the expert. “He understood that everyone would never be happy with the work of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. When you work hard with the offender, he is not happy, when you work gently, the injured party is not happy. Since the police are at the intersection of the interests of citizens, everyone will never be happy. What remains in this case? Act strictly according to the law.
UNITED THE DEPARTMENT
Over the 7 years of work in the department, Alexander Pervukhin managed to achieve a lot. The buildings of the Oktyabrsky district police department were built, for example, several buildings of temporary detention centers, and the issue of the main building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was almost resolved. During his work, the detection of crimes increased by more than 25%, and the number of registered crimes decreased by 19.87%. Large-scale work was carried out to check law enforcement personnel and identify crimes committed by police officers. All this is a significant step forward, Baymetov believes.
He is also supported by the Chairman of the Council of Veterans of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia, German Sannikov. He is convinced that Pervukhin has done a lot that has not been done before.
He did a lot of useful and kind things, solved a lot of economic issues. See how Dynamo functions today! This is largely his merit. But somehow they decided to transfer the swimming pool at Dynamo to other hands. The minister stood for life and death! And he defended it. And there were a number of issues that he defended, including the construction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs building. They couldn’t do this before him and didn’t do it,” comments German Sergeevich.
It seems to me that such success was achieved because his subordinates worked not out of fear, but because they were afraid to let Pervukhin down as a leader,” continues Baimetov. – But I believe that Pervukhin’s main merit is the unity of the department. With him the feeling of a single team returned, which we lost in the late 90s. The team spirit is largely the merit of Pervukhin. Because he's used to working like this. Because the demands he made were not supernatural, but quite normal. That's why he succeeded. And now, no matter where a person works - in a village as a district police officer, in Glazov, Izhevsk - the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Udmurtia is one team that works for one goal - maintaining law and order, protecting the rights and freedoms of Russian residents.
Yesterday, a Decree of the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin was published, by which the President of Russia immediately dismissed 11 generals of the Ministry of Emergency Situations, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Federal Penitentiary Service and the Investigative Committee. Among them is the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Udmurt Republic Alexander Pervukhin.
By the same decree, the head of the republican department of the Federal Penitentiary Service, Vladimir Doronin, was also relieved of his post.
Alexander Pervukhin was appointed to head the Udmurt Ministry of Internal Affairs exactly seven years ago (04/05/2011). Previously, he served as deputy head of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate for the Sverdlovsk Region. In the republic, Alexander Pervukhin became famous for his large-scale investigation into the enterprises and managers of the KOMOS-Group holding, which began a year after the general’s tenure as minister. This investigation, however, did not end with anything significant, other than media hype and mutual (but unproven) accusations of violating laws.
Unlike Mr. Pervukhin, Colonel Doronin, appointed to the UR from the Oryol region, served in Udmurtia for only a short time - only a year and a half and did not participate in scandalous stories. The reason for the colonel's resignation is said to be dissatisfaction with Doronin's work in the central department: last year, several emergencies occurred in the Udmurt Federal Penitentiary Service, one of which was related to the Izhevsk educational colony.
Pervukhin Alexander Sergeevich
Born on November 28, 1964 in Sverdlovsk. Graduated from the Omsk Higher School of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs. He began his service in the police as an investigator of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Department of Internal Affairs of the Kirov Regional Executive Committee of the city of Sverdlovsk. Since October 2001, he headed the inspection of the headquarters of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate of the Sverdlovsk Region. In February 2007, he was appointed to the position of Deputy Chief of the Main Internal Affairs Directorate - Chief of Staff of the Main Internal Affairs Directorate for the Sverdlovsk Region. By Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 400 of 04/05/2011, Police Major General Alexander Sergeevich Pervukhin was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs for the Udmurt Republic. In 2008, by Presidential Decree, he was awarded the rank of police major general. In 2011, by Presidential Decree, he was awarded the rank of Major General of Police.
Doronin Vladimir Alexandrovich
Born on May 25, 1960 in Mtsensk, Oryol region. Graduated from the Riga Higher Military-Political School. After graduating from college, he worked as secretary of the Komsomol committee, served as deputy group commander for the political part of military unit 43176. In 1990, he entered the service of the internal affairs bodies and was appointed head of the LTP detachment of the Internal Affairs Directorate of the Oryol Region. From 1990 to 1991 served as a senior instructor for the political and educational work of this institution. In 1992, he headed the LTP SIDiSR Department of Internal Affairs of the Oryol Region. From 1994 to 1998, he served as the head of the correctional labor colony-settlement of the SIDiSR Department of Internal Affairs of the Oryol Region. Then, for several months, he headed the department for organizing the search and escort service of the Regional Internal Affairs Directorate. In 1998, he was appointed head of correctional colony No. 7. Since 2005 – Head of the Federal State Institution IK-6 of the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia in the Oryol Region. From 2008 to 2010, he was deputy head of the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia for the Oryol region. In 2010, he headed the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia in the Oryol region. On October 6, 2016, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed head of the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia for the Udmurt Republic.
On October 21, 2015, the citizen applied to the Operational-Investigative Unit of the Internal Security of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Udmurt Republic with a statement regarding illegal actions of police officers. The application was accepted, registered and they promised to carry out an appropriate check, and send a response with the results of the check by mail in an envelope. Today is already 03/13/2016! The applicant did not wait for an answer. Who is guilty? ORCH employee Baranova? Or her boss Zaripov? Or maybe the Minister of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia Pervukhin? Who will be responsible for the outright chaos in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Udmurtia?
Here's how it all happened according to the injured citizen A.V. Maksimchik: "On December 4, 2014, I was offered a job in the Zavyalovsky district of the Udmurt Republic. Having formed a team of welders and installers, I went with it to the site. Having arrived at the site, we met the foreman, with whom we resolved all issues related to the work process and went to look for premises to live. Which was found in the village of Pozim on the territory of a small enterprise, where a special building for visitors was equipped. The next day, we started work on site in the morning. On December 6, 2014, my employees and I went to the local store “At Yurich’s” to buy groceries and cigarettes. In the store I had a raised dialogue with the seller Natalya Alexandrovna Vishnekova.On December 7, 2014, I specifically looked into the Yurich store in order to apologize to the seller N.A. Vishnyakova. However, the apology was not accepted, and in response I heard the following: “Wait, big problems await you that you don’t even know about.”
On December 8, 2014, between 4 and 5 p.m., I was with employee D.Yu. Volkov. went to the grocery store. Returning back, we saw a traffic police patrol car in the parking lot at our place of residence. When we passed by the traffic police car, two police officers got out and approached us. They didn't introduce themselves. I learned the names of the traffic police officers later when I was introduced to the documents in court. Pointing to my car, which was parked in the same parking area, they asked: “Do you know whose car this is?” I told the traffic police officers that it was my car and asked: “What happened?” Without explaining anything, they asked me to sit in the patrol car. I sent my employee Volkov D.Yu. with food at our place of residence so that the team could prepare their own dinner. I asked the traffic police officers: for what purpose was I invited into the patrol car? One of the employees explained that they had received a signal that I was driving while intoxicated and that they even had a video recording. I replied that the last time I drove my car was on December 6, when we went to the grocery store. They showed me a video that for some reason had no date and time. The video showed how a patrol car, or perhaps it was another car, with a car recorder, was following me from the store towards the enterprise on the territory of which we lived. I told them that I actually started moving away from the store. But what exactly is my fault? Unclear.
They asked me for my passport. I said it was some kind of misunderstanding. However, they began filling out the administrative violation report. I asked for a breathalyzer, but the traffic police officers didn’t have one, for a medical examination They didn’t take me around. Having filled out the protocol without the presence of witnesses, traffic police officers asked me to sign it. I had to remind the traffic police officers that at the time of the invitation to sit in the patrol car, I was walking. And I will not sign any protocol stating that I drove my car while intoxicated.Then the police officers threatened me that if I did not sign the protocol, then the guys from the UAZ “Patriot” car parked next door would come out, who was about five meters from the patrol car,They’ll crash my car, and they’ll take me out into the forest and they’ll find me only in the spring.It was these guys from the UAZ “Patriot” car who acted as those absent witnesses and went to sign the protocol in the patrol car as soon as I got out of it. I did not immediately leave the scene and saw them sign the protocol. I told the traffic police officers that this is real banditry and I will complain about them. To which the traffic police officers just grinned and told me not to waste time and sign the protocol. Fearing for my life, I had to sign the protocol. A copy of the protocol was not given. Next, the traffic police officers demanded that I give them the keys to my car so that they could be calm that I would no longer drive a car while intoxicated. They said that tomorrow morning they would deliver and give me the keys to the car. The car keys were confiscated. In this case, the seizure act was not drawn up. When I got home, I told my employees everything. Employee A.V. Kudryavtsev stated in surprise the following: “How could you drive a car when I went to get a flashlight in my car and saw that your car was parked next to mine?” That’s when I remembered the threats from the seller N.A. Vishnyakova, who was hinting at causing problems for me. On the morning of December 9, 2014, I was with A.V. Kudryavtsev. I went to meet the traffic police officers who were supposed to return the keys to my car. We waited for them for an hour and a half, but they never arrived. Then I decided that if the store seller N.A. Vishnekova promised to solve problems for me, then I should go to her. We went to the Yurich store.
Arriving at the store, I asked her if she happened to know who had the keys to my personal car? Seller: Vishnyakova N.A. asked: “What, is your watchman Kamalov. R.M. didn’t hand over the keys?” I answered no. She called somewhere, after which she said to wait 15 minutes and that the keys would be brought to the store. A.V. Kudryavtsev and I went outside and began to wait again.After 20 minutes, the same UAZ “Patriot” car arrived, which was in the parking lot that day when the traffic police officers drew up a report on me. A resident of the village of Pozim, citizen Grigory Ivanovich Borisov, got out of the car. And, putting brass knuckles on his hand and without explaining anything, he struck me with a strong blow directly to the head with the brass knuckles, cutting my right eyebrow until it bled. Next came punches and kicks. He was stopped by his employee A.V. Kudryavtsev. G.I. Borisov. He threw me the car keys and said: “Guys! I am the boss here and what happened to you now means you got off easy. Pack up and leave here if you want to stay alive!”
The next day we left the village of Pozim for home. I contacted the police and wrote a statement about the unlawful actions of employees of the State Institution “Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for the Zavyalovsky District” and, at the same time, recorded the beatings from a forensic expert.Report of IDPS OGIBDD department Zavyalovsky st. police lieutenant Minaev S.M. was not registered in the prescribed manner, there was no resolution from the command staff on receiving the report and sending it to work. The results of the check on beatings from the State Institution “Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for the Zavyalovsky District” were received according to the jurisdiction and to judicial station No. 4 to the magistrate. And silence! The police told me that they would conduct an appropriate check on my application. And three weeks later I received a summons to appear in court at my place of residence. I arrived at the court, where they explained to me that a report had been drawn up against me, which stated that I was driving while drunk. A preliminary hearing was scheduled for December 20, 2014. At the preliminary hearing, I gave my explanation, judge N.V. Rubanova. listened to witnesses Volkov D.Yu. and Kudryavtsev A.V.. The next court hearing was scheduled for January 23, 2015. The traffic police officers of the Zavyalovsky district Minaev S.M., Vladykin D.Yu. were also summoned to court. and watchman R.M. Kamalov, who was on duty that evening of December 8, 2014.I went to the village of Pozim to see the watchman R.M. Kamalov to personally hand him the summons. When meeting me, the watchman R.M. Kamalov. apologized to me for testifying against me. He literally said the following: “I didn’t give any evidence to the police, they wrote down an explanation with my data on a form and told me to sign. The text of the explanation itself had already been written at that time. I still have to live here, and I fear for my family, that’s why I had to sign.”In the “testimony” of the watchman R.M. Kamalov. it was stated that Maksimchik A.V. I arrived in my own car. Two minutes later, a patrol car arrived, after which Maksimchika A.V. detained. I told R.M. Kamalov that it was very important to appear at the court hearing, but he categorically refused to go, citing the fact that he feared for his life and for the lives of people close to him.
On January 23, 2015, only I and traffic police officers Vladykin D, Yu came to the trial. and Minaev S.M. didn't show up. In this regard, the court hearing was postponed to February 20, 2015. Traffic police officers Vladykin D.Yu. nevertheless attended this meeting. and Minaev S.M. They behaved defiantly and were confused in their testimony. To my question “Why are they keeping silent about my witness Volkov D.Yu.?” traffic police officers said that I was alone. And they received a signal, they drove out and found that I had parked in the parking lot drunk, got out of the car, after which they detained me. At the trial, both denied that they had threatened me. “As a result, the court made a decision: to deprive me of the right to drive a vehicle for a period of 1 year and 6 months, and also imposed a fine of 30,000 rubles.”
I repeatedly turned to the head of the Main Directorate of Security Services of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, Lieutenant General Alexander Ivanovich Makarov, with a convincing request: to organize a meeting for me with an employee of the Main Directorate of Security Services of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. The general is silent. But they began to fuss in the Operational-Investigative Unit of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Udmurt Republic. An ORCh employee called and conveyed the wishes of his boss F.F. Zaripov. meet and chat with me. Odd man! I don’t communicate with those who start loading me with unsubscribes without reacting to the obvious facts of criminal acts. We'll write it off, he didn't know about it. And then the most interesting thing began, which can cause nothing but surprise and indignation. An employee of the ORCH of the Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for the Udmurt Republic tried to recruit me! “You can help us in the northern regions of Udmurtia, Alexander Sergeevich,” puzzled the ORCh employee at the other end of the line. Oh, how! You can also help: write a report on dismissal from the internal affairs bodies.
On August 17, 2016, I received another official response from the prosecutor’s office of the Udmurt Republic. The soap opera continues for the second year!
