03/20/2006, Our arrow has ripened everywhere
Secrets of M. Babich's super career
Anton Petrov
Even in our purely pragmatic times, there are still people whose only superficial acquaintance with their biography makes one remember the reckless era of daring adventurers on their own and others’ heads. Of those who, rumbling in anticipation of rich booty, boarded merchant sailing ships in distant seas, brutally pacified the natives in hot colonies, clutching a faithful Colt in an unwavering hand, took sleepy philistine towns to fright...
Anyone who believes that such heroes remained only in the adventure novels of Sabatini and Cooper is greatly mistaken. And although the times are different now, life shows that there is also a place in it for romantics on the high road from socialism to capitalism.
No, of course, our hero, State Duma deputy Mikhail Babich, did not commit any of the above reprehensible actions. May the Criminal Code save us from such unfounded and unsubstantiated statements. But the fact is that in the short but stormy biography of Mr. Babich, conflicts, scandals and even legal proceedings arise every now and then.
God knows why this happened. After all, the beginning of the life of the future famous businessman and politician was simply radiant. Having graduated from the Higher Military Command School of Communications in his native Ryazan at the age of 21, Mikhail Babich rose to the rank of captain in five years of service. After which, he left the Airborne Forces, and the army in general, for an activity that was more responsible, exciting, and most importantly, profitable. Apparently, there was a certain circumstance in his short army career that allowed the retired officer to take no less than the position of head of the Antey Corporation CJSC in Moscow. And this is a great success. Most 26-year-old junior officers leaving the army can count on boring service in some second-rate private security company. Moreover, they consider this turn of affairs to be a great success for themselves. And then immediately to the ladies - in the sense of the leaders of a large facility. There is reason for thought and even some envy...
It soon became clear that Babich is a type of so-called general manager - one of those who, since Soviet times, it was customary to transfer “from the collective farm to the bathhouse.” However, at the mention of a collective farm, and even more so a bathhouse, our hero would only laugh: it’s not the same scale! Having led Antey, the future deputy soon happily found himself in two positions at once - vice-president of the Rosmyasomoltorg company and at the same time chairman of the supervisory board of Shuya Calico OJSC. And even then, if there is too much young energy, why not manage a couple of profitable enterprises at once?!
However, the situation on the meat and dairy front was extremely displeasing to the Investigative Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which suspected the company of selling off humanitarian aid received from the United States and Europe. According to investigators, humanitarian products were shipped not to official operating companies, but to intermediary commercial structures, among which, by the way, was Antey, which Babich recently abandoned. The investigation found that as a result the company embezzled up to 2 billion rubles!
However, the punishing sword of the law did not touch our hero: shortly before the initiation of a criminal case, he went to work at the Federal Agency for Regulation of the Food Market, and Babich’s successor, Antey’s top manager Dmitry Ilyasov, went to his bunk.
The next step in the stunning career of the former signalman-paratrooper was work as deputy chairman of the government of the Moscow region under the banner of the Moscow region governor Boris Gromov. Within six months, Babich, according to his colleagues, not really caring about the sympathy of members of the government, crushed the entire financial part under himself. A conflict arose between Gromov and Babich, in which the final victory remained on the side of the governor. But it would be hard to call it easy: Babich managed to cancel the order of his dismissal through the court and ultimately left, as it were, “of his own free will.”
Immediately after this, the disgraced figure miraculously ended up in the Ivanovo region, where he again occupied two positions at once - the first deputy head of the administration and the representative of the regional administration in Moscow. Evil tongues claimed that Babich was warmed up by the then Ivanovo governor Tikhonov, to whom he soon repaid with black ingratitude. But we don’t dare say what happened in reality.
As a permanent representative of the region in the capital, Babich started a European-quality renovation of the representative office on Novy Arbat, which cost the meager regional treasury 5 million rubles. Note that exactly the same amount was allocated in the Ivanovo region for the healthcare sector. It is not surprising that Babich’s Novoarbat delights attracted the attention of the competent authorities, who conducted a search in the premises of the representative office. They even say that an arrest warrant was issued for the official, but Babich managed to leave the capital in time.
And soon a new takeoff in his career. Babich was transferred to Chechnya - to the post of prime minister of the republic. It was then that it became clear that his powerful patrons (and they certainly exist, otherwise the amazing features of his fascinating nomenklatura biography cannot be rationally explained) are still not omnipotent. As soon as Babich once again tried to play his own game - of course, on the financial field of the republic - to crush transfers from the center for the restoration of the economy destroyed by the war, then the then President Akhmad Kadyrov immediately decisively replaced him in this post.
Babich tried to resist, but quickly realized that a politician of this magnitude was too tough for him. And again he returned to the safe and well-developed temperate latitudes, where, already as a deputy from United Russia, he decided to compete with the Ryazan governor, General Georgy Shpak. But this did not happen immediately, but after the hopes of being in the chair of the Ivanovo governor after Tikhonov’s departure did not come true (and the departure of his former benefactor was very opportune for him). The Ivanovo region was headed by the recent Deputy Prime Minister of the Moscow Region government, Mikhail Men. Of course, Babich, as a disciplined United Russia member, verbally welcomed the confirmation of his fellow party member to the governor’s post, publicly praising the “wise personnel decision of the president.”
And the brave captain had no choice but to play his own game, seizing the governor’s chair from Major General Shpak. But just recently he himself led the general’s election campaign! But, one must think, such little things do not bother our hero at all. But they worry the notorious “electorate”, whose sentiments the candidate for the governor’s post is forced to at least somehow take into account. He, who a year ago convinced people to vote for Shpak, could not declare the general a swindler and a rogue unworthy of the gubernatorial title. People simply won’t understand such a somersault.
Babich, who was skilled in the intricacies of the administrative backstage, had to patiently wait for events to develop. And here the scandalous accusations brought by Kasimov businesswoman Natalya Suchkova against Georgy Shpak came at a very opportune time. They boiled down to the fact that the general allegedly took 48 million rubles from her for the election campaign, promising in return the position of vice-governor. And then he broke his officer’s word. He threw away the benefactor, so to speak.
The attack on Shpak began with a powerful artillery attack in the form of a lawsuit in the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, filed by the general’s main rival in the elections, State Duma deputy Morozov, with a demand to cancel the voting results. But these “military actions” did not lead to victory. After all, Shpak is also no stranger, he defended himself skillfully and competently, according to all the rules of the art of war. And with great success, because all the accusations brought against him turned out to be a pure bluff.
As a result, Suchkova was forced to withdraw her lawsuit, and Morozov publicly reconciled with his recent rival. At the same time, there was information in the press that Morozov’s decision to reconcile and recognize the election results was made after he, having analyzed all the circumstances, understood “who was behind it,” and therefore “has absolutely no claims against Shpak.” So all this hype around Shpak’s election campaign did not bring any benefit to Babich.
It would seem that this is the happy ending to the story of the battle for Ryazan. Justice and law triumph, and the alien pretenders to the principality are put to shame. But it’s hard to believe in this. After all, in Russia there are still so many “undeveloped” regions, industrial holdings, large agricultural enterprises, leadership positions... And the people who stand behind people like Babich have not gone anywhere either, they are still preparing their “slave” for new battles for redistribution of property and positions of power. Therefore, it is most likely too early to draw a conclusion. To be continued, one must think.
Moreover, Babich is already a phenomenon. If he doesn’t exist, some other “sentee” will appear, equally initially unknown, random, impudent, pulled into the light by “notorious forces”, ready to take any place, as long as there is money, and even ready to play the role of a battering ram. And, as you know, in the fight against “infiltrators”, talking alone is not enough. As a certain legendary plumber used to say, “the system needs to be changed”...
The large-scale personnel changes of the past week made a number of regions and serious departments shudder. Russian President Vladimir Putin once again put the principle of personnel rotation into practice. This time, the change of composition does not occur according to the classical canons - despite the proximity of the federal elections, both the heads of the regions and the key coordinators of the processes in the territory - the plenipotentiary representatives of the president - are changing. The most violent reaction was caused by the news about the possible change of plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District, Mikhail Babich.
Despite the fact that most experts agree that these personnel decisions at the federal level have been brewing for a long time, they came as a surprise to many. Among journalists and political scientists, the massive personnel changes in the last week of July have already been dubbed “salvos.”
Swift and pre-thought-out personnel decisions are the signature style of the Russian President
New leaders took up positions in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation at once: strategically important Sevastopol, in the Kaliningrad, Yaroslavl and Kirov regions. Of the quite expected, perhaps, only the last - after Nikita Belykh, the region was tensely waiting for a new leader.
Besides, Vladimir Putin replaced four presidential plenipotentiaries in federal districts. Former governor of the Kaliningrad region Nikolay Tsukanov was appointed presidential envoy to the Northwestern Federal District. In this post, he replaced the plenipotentiary representative with Nizhny Novgorod roots Vladimir Bulavin, which as a result of reshuffles of the federal department of the Customs Service at a difficult and responsible moment for it.
The Crimean Peninsula has now officially become part of the Southern Federal District, which is headed by the former Prosecutor General and Minister of Justice Vladimir Ustinov.
Presidential Envoy to Crimea Oleg Belavintsev received an equivalent assignment to the Caucasus.
Now the former governor of Sevastopol Sergei Menyailo appointed presidential envoy to the Siberian Federal District.
It is obvious that the head of state made the main personnel decision at the end of the cannonade of high-profile resignations and appointments. If all other decisions went around Ukraine, then the last one concerned it in the most intimate and direct way. The key point concerned the Volga Federal District, or rather, its first person.
Vladimir Putin has prepared a reset of the diplomatic course between Russia and Square.
The social feast is over
The rumor that personnel news has not been exhausted appeared in a number of media outlets on Thursday evening last week. And already on Friday, a number of sources confirmed that the candidacy of the Volga plenipotentiary Mikhail Babich flawlessly passed to the post of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Ukraine in both houses of the Russian parliament.
We would like to remind you that the current Volga region plenipotentiary representative may be replaced in this post by Mikhail Zurabov. Many experts note that in the new realities of relations between Russia and Ukraine, Zurabov turned out to be unable to conduct a constructive dialogue between the parties. The deterioration of relations between the two fraternal countries in recent years has been largely uncontrollable. And here soft diplomacy no longer gives results. The dead-end path of negotiations resembles a conversation between a blind man and a deaf-mute. A new figure in the foreign policy arena should also represent a new path for clear agreements between countries on a number of important economic, intercultural and political issues.
Diplomacy with muscle goes to Ukraine with Mikhail Babich
This character is fully personified by Mikhail Babich, a native of the security forces, an experienced apparatchik who diplomatically showed himself in the civil service in Russia. Many international experts at the federal level greeted the news of Babich’s possible new appointment with enthusiasm, emphasizing that such a candidacy for the Russian Ambassador to Ukraine could really do a lot to improve relations between the two countries. But, as usual, there were also opponents. First of all, from the Ukrainian side, and secondly, in Russia itself.
The news that Mikhail Babich may soon change his place of work has become a litmus test both on the Ukrainian side and within the country. In Square, as expected, the potential ambassador was greeted with buckets of mud long before his appointment. The information background, previously created in Russia around the figure of Babich, on the banks of the Dnieper echoed with echoes of dirty publications and compromising evidence, which in its assessments had nothing in common with the biography of the Volga presidential envoy.
On the Volga, these notes were quickly picked up by Babich’s political opponents.
It is no secret that the story of the presidential envoy to the Volga Federal District has become very unusual for the inhabitants of the Volga region. Sergey Kiriyenko, Alexander Konovalov, Grigory Rapota. The narrow circle of Mikhail Babich's predecessors was strikingly different in their manner and ideas about the tasks of the presidential plenipotentiary representative.
Kiriyenko was hyperpoliticized and focused on the Nizhny Novgorod region, where he lived and began his career.
Konovalov turned out to be detached from worldly affairs, but a rather systematic functionary.
Rapota quickly fell under the influence of local elites and the atmosphere of the right wing of the White House of the Nizhny Novgorod Kremlin.
For 4.5 years in his high-ranking status, Mikhail Babich managed to achieve the almost incredible: he aligned the district’s subjects politically, without giving any of them a special status. He spent most of his time on endless business trips and meetings throughout the district. His circle was mostly far from local politics (which local politics could not forgive him for).
The fact is that it was Babich who first refused the status of “beloved wife” to the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Like any rejected woman, the Nizhny Novgorod region was never able to forgive the plenipotentiary representative, who did not single her out among Tatarstan, Udmurtia, Penza and other regions, objectively assessing the development of the subjects and, if possible, without interfering in the political squabbles of local princelings. The only moment when the plenipotentiary made his first and, apparently, last political statement on Nizhny Novgorod soil concerned the scandalous situation of confrontation between the current governor Valeria Shantseva and his proteges at the head of the regional center - Oleg Sorokin And Oleg Kondrashov. Then Mikhail Babich made his point in local politics, which was happily picked up by the local media.
Thanks to the plenipotentiary at a critical moment in the internecine war between the city and the region, the status quo for the current head of the region was staked out at the federal level
But the gnawing resentment of the dubious characters of the local political elite, as you understand, lay hidden for a long time. Needless to say that both recipients of the unflattering definition of the plenipotentiary at one time became involved in high-profile and dubious corruption and even criminal cases? However, the tough and principled position of the presidential representative was and remains not to the liking of many of these characters, with whom the local elite is generously saturated.
They greeted the new possible appointment of Mikhail Babich with no less impudent rustling than in the radically minded Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
I would not like to paint the image of an enemy when it comes to the desire for constructive peace, but this is precisely the definition that comes to mind, not only in the aggressive political junta outside Russia, but also within the country.
Babich was on the Volga - just the fish that was needed so that the crucian would not doze off
Many experts note that the choice of the head of state in favor of the new ambassador speaks of special trust in Mikhail Babich. Relations with Ukraine today are placed at the forefront of the country's foreign policy and largely determine the economic situation of Russia. Today too much depends on how effectively the dialogue between the two countries will be built.
Chairman of the Russian State Duma Committee on CIS Affairs Leonid Slutsky has already given his assessment of the possible appointment: he is confident that “Mikhail Babich is a very strong candidate and he will do a lot to ensure that extremely difficult relations between countries begin to improve in accordance with common sense.” At the same time, calling not to accept criticism of the candidacy of the new Russian ambassador from the Verkhovna Rada, because marginalized political parties will not accept any candidacy that comes from Moscow, creating PR for themselves among their electorate.
The information that the Russian President intends to send a new ambassador to Ukraine has already received a portion of negative assessments. Anticipating the official approval procedure of the Ukrainian side, on July 29, Moscow and Kyiv gave preliminary consent (agrement) to the appointment of Mikhail Babich.
Until now, there has been no official response from the Ukrainian side.
For those who are envious, this is how the residence of the Russian Ambassador to Ukraine looks out of status today. It will take a lot of effort to change this
It is worth recalling that the procedure for appointing a new ambassador can take quite a long period of time. If we recall the situation when in place Viktor Chernomyrdin took over Mikhail Zurabov, the period from the moment of the ambassador's resignation until the presentation of the new credentials lasted from July 9, 2009 to January 25, 2010. Then Russia lived for more than six months without a plenipotentiary ambassador to Ukraine, and, in general, nothing happened. Of course, the current situation hardly tolerates such delays.
However, for those who have already shown their grin at the current plenipotentiary and probably the future Russian ambassador to Ukraine, the time has not yet come to rejoice. And it is not a fact that such a time will come for them at all.
Mikhail Babich, in any uniform, knows how to hit the target. How to go to this goal in the shortest way
Photo: om-saratov.ru, newsru.ua, gfi56.pfo.ru, pravdapfo.ru, penzanews.ru, qwas.ru, vladnews.ru, publikatsii.ru, penzanews.ru
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In 1998 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Institute of Economics, Management and Law;
From 1998 to 1999 - first vice president of the Rosmyasomoltorg company.
In public service
Since 2001 - first deputy head of the administration of the Ivanovo region and head of the regional representative office in Moscow and worked in this position until 2002.
In 2002, he defended his PhD thesis on the topic “Improving the work of an enterprise manager in the field of personnel decision-making”, Candidate of Economic Sciences.
From November 2002 to February 2003 - Chairman of the Government of the Chechen Republic.
In 2003, he was appointed Assistant Minister of Economic Development and Trade of the Russian Federation.
State Duma Deputy
On December 7, 2003, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fourth convocation in the Kineshma single-mandate electoral district No. 81 (Ivanovo region).
In 2005, he graduated from the faculty of retraining and advanced training of the Military Academy of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.
On December 2, 2007, he was again elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation on the list of the United Russia party (Vladimir regional group). In the State Duma, he was Deputy Chairman of the Defense Committee and a member of the Commission for the consideration of federal budget expenditures aimed at ensuring the defense and state security of the Russian Federation.
On December 4, 2011, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the sixth convocation on the list of the United Russia party (Vladimir regional group).
Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation
On December 29, 2011, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1709, he was appointed Chairman of the State Commission for Chemical Disarmament.
On removing the issue of confirming Mikhail Babich as Ambassador to Ukraine
After the dismissal of Russian Ambassador to Ukraine Mikhail Zurabov on July 28, 2016, the Russian press named Mikhail Babich as a contender for this position, which was publicly confirmed by the press secretary of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Dmitry Peskov. Preliminary approval procedures were carried out by the relevant committees of the lower and upper houses of parliament.
Deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation agreed on the candidacy of the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Volga Federal District, Mikhail Babich, for appointment as ambassador to Ukraine. The corresponding decision was made at a meeting of the International Affairs Committee on July 29, 2016.
In turn, the Ukrainian expert community expressed a number of reasons why Mikhail Babich may be denied by the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry to receive an agrement. One of them was that, as a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation, Mikhail Babich in 2014 took part in the decision to support Crimea, in its decision to secede from Ukraine and the deployment of Russian troops there. In addition, Ukrainian political scientists noted that Mikhail Babich “was previously a military paratrooper, during the Chechen War he led the government of the republic, and worked in the FSB.” Experts in Kiev stated that “Babich, whose biography is connected with the Soviet KGB and the Russian FSB, is called upon to become an “ambassador of war”, is a “professional saboteur” and “the Kremlin’s classic candidate for interaction with separatists in the Donbass to organize force operations.” All these "details", in their opinion, "could become an unconditional reason for refusing the agreman." There were also opinions that "the Ukrainian side is strictly limited in its activities in Russia and there is no need for a Russian ambassador to be on the territory of Ukraine. Just an attorney ad interim "
On August 4, 2016, Kyiv refused to approve the candidacy of Mikhail Babich for the post of Russian Ambassador to Ukraine. Deputy head of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry Elena Zerkal said that on their initiative the issue would not be discussed in principle. “This issue has been taken off the agenda,” she said.
Press Secretary of the President of Russia Dmitry Peskov, in turn, said that Russia still supports the appointment of a new head of the diplomatic mission. “This is our approach to our bilateral relations. At the same time, if the Ukrainian side decides to lower the level of our diplomatic relations and considers such a reduced regime of diplomatic communication appropriate, this is the choice of the Ukrainian side,” noted Dmitry Peskov. After a similar incident in Belarus (Babich’s recall as ambassador from Belarus), it became clear that Babich was unsuitable for diplomatic work.
Ambassador
On August 24, 2018, he was appointed Ambassador of Russia to the Republic of Belarus, as well as Special Representative of the President of Russia for the development of trade and economic cooperation with the Republic of Belarus.
Moscow's policy of implementing the Union Treaty and union integration began to be actively implemented. Economic issues were particularly sensitive.
Mikhail Babich said in response to Minsk’s reproaches for unequal energy prices: “Belarusian partners need to move towards making decisions to equalize economic conditions. For example, if excise taxes on tobacco in the Republic of Belarus are artificially restrained and the amount of excise taxes is four times lower than in the Russian Federation, then it is clear that the entire excess volume of cigarette production, and this, according to various estimates, is up to 70% of the total tobacco production in the Russian Federation, goes to Russia, and the Russian budget is missing out on millions of dollars. There are similar questions regarding the losses of the Russian budget from the so-called false transit of various goods through the territory of the Russian Federation, understatement of the value of VAT by authorized customs operators in the Republic of Belarus and other schemes from which the common union market suffers.” On March 15, 2019, the press secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus, Anatoly Glaz, commented on the interview with the Russian ambassador, calling him “an accountant or an accountant who shows promise” and recommending that he devote more time to delving into the specifics of the host country, getting to know its history and showing a little respect , because during his short time working in Belarus, he simply “did not understand the difference between the federal district and an independent state.” State Secretary and Deputy Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation Grigory Karasin said in response, “We have familiarized ourselves with the reaction of the press secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus, and I would say that we have the right to count on a more respectful attitude towards the ambassador.”
According to some sources, Belarusian state media were prohibited from attending the press conference of the Russian Ambassador on March 18, which was dedicated to the 5th anniversary of the reunification of Crimea with Russia. In addition, they were prohibited from writing about Babich’s interview with RIA Novosti on March 14. The editors of Belarusian non-state media decided to refrain from participating in the press conference; a statement about this was signed by the editors-in-chief of TUT.BY Marina Zolotova, European Radio for Belarus Pavel Sverdlov, BelaPAN Irina Levshina, Nasha Niva Yegor Martinovich and Narodnaya Volya Iosif Seredich . At the same time, more than 30 media representatives came to the press conference, incl. international, with subsequent wide coverage in the media space.
Subsequently, the Russian side has always consistently promoted the line of continuing systemic economic assistance to Belarus with Minsk’s fundamental readiness for further integration and institutionalization of the initial agreements on the creation of the Union State.
Various political scientists and experts, both in Russia and Belarus, noted the implementation by the Embassy during this time of a number of large-scale projects in the field of economic and humanitarian policy of the Union State. Among them are the identification and suppression of gray schemes for the re-export of sanctioned products through the territory of Belarus to Russia and the adoption at the state level of systemic measures to combat smuggling. Complete elimination of the “energy offshore”, which made it possible to resell Russian oil products to third countries with significant losses for the Russian budget.
In August 2018, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko again accused Russia of unfair competition, once again using strong language: “We are going through a difficult period now - the Russians are behaving barbarously towards us, I speak about this publicly. They demand something from us, as if we are their vassals, and within the framework of the EAEU, where they invited us, they do not want to fulfill their obligations. So they create a non-competitive situation.”
On March 1, 2019, at the annual press conference, the Belarusian leader accused the Russian Government of lobbying oligarchic clans that block the supply of Belarusian products. “The Russian Government must stop lobbying these clans, these oligarchic groups, as they are called, in which big business has merged with the authorities and is pushing its issues, blocking our relations in the union. But all the documents stipulate that we have a common market and we must trade freely," Alexander Lukashenko emphasized.
On April 11, 2019, at a meeting of the government’s economic bloc, commenting on the ban on the import of apples and pears from the republic to Russia, Alexander Lukashenko made another statement: “The good that we do for the Russian Federation always turns out to be evil for us. They have already become insolent to such an extent that they are starting to twist our arms.”
Lukashenko was especially outraged by the detailed analysis of the volume of real assistance that Russia provides to Belarus through all channels: from direct loans to tax breaks, preferences, and energy subsidies. This, in particular, is stated in the interview of the Russian ambassador on March 14, 2019 with the RIA Novosti agency.
Another proposal from the Russian side was a comprehensive consideration of the issue of access of Belarusian industrial enterprises to Russian state support systems, subject to deepening integration and the formation of a unified industrial policy. Development of an “economic package of measures” aimed at eliminating imbalances in trade and economic interaction with Minsk - in terms of moving towards unified fiscal and administrative mechanisms.
Many experts and union media noted a comprehensive audit of all agreements concluded over 20 years within the Union State, which formed the basis for proposals for further integration developed by the Russian part of the intergovernmental working group and transferred to the Belarusian side.
One of the main tasks of expanding humanitarian cooperation between Russia and Belarus was active efforts to increase the effectiveness of bilateral cooperation in the field of education and culture.
The most important event was the holding of a strategically important meeting on February 15, 2019 in Sochi, under the leadership of the presidents of the two countries and with the participation of the ministers of education, culture and sports of Russia and Belarus, which launched processes of large-scale and intensive interaction in these areas, a multiple expansion of the number of joint projects and events that can really and quickly promote the ideas of Russian-Belarusian unity. This includes improving educational exchanges between Russian and Belarusian universities, creating their association and a forum of rectors of these universities, strengthening the potential of branches of Russian universities in Belarus, as well as the Belarusian-Russian University in Mogilev, integrating final tests in both countries to facilitate the admission of graduates to universities of the Union state, the opening in the near future of Unified State Exam reception centers in Belarus, the introduction of “Belarusian” shifts in schools for gifted children in Russia, as well as in the best Russian holiday camps, etc. A number of projects in the field of culture of Russia and Belarus, including mobile exhibitions of leading museums, concerts and performances of famous artists and cultural figures and much more.
A number of media outlets published information about Lukashenko’s numerous personal appeals to Putin about recalling the ambassador in exchange for readiness to begin the long-discussed integration. “Putin agreed, gave Lukashenko a year, promising not to interfere in the internal Belarusian agenda,” the Kommersant newspaper quotes a source.
On April 30, 2019, Russian President Vladimir Putin relieved Mikhail Babich of his duties as Russian Ambassador to Belarus, as well as from the post of Special Representative of the President of Russia for the development of trade and economic cooperation with the Republic of Belarus in connection with a transfer to another job.
Russian President Vladimir Putin was pleased with the results of Mikhail Babich’s work as Russian Ambassador to Belarus. The press secretary of the head of state, Dmitry Peskov, told reporters about this. “Yes,” the press secretary answered the question whether the Russian leadership is satisfied with Babich’s work at the head of the Russian diplomatic mission in Minsk. Commenting on the decision to replace the ambassador in this country, Peskov emphasized: “[This is] a personnel decision of the president, which is made in accordance with expediency.”
Peskov emphasized that Babich “worked [as ambassador to Belarus] for a short time, but, nevertheless, quite a lot was done in a short period of time.” “Regardless of any processes, relations between Russia and Belarus retain their allied character. The union state is a special dimension that dominates bilateral relations between Moscow and Minsk,” the Kremlin representative noted.
Deputy Minister of Economic Development of the Russian Federation
Babich will also deal with the problems of Russian regions. “Mikhail Vladimirovich has very extensive experience in regional work and in other areas, and, of course, we will use the experience that he has accumulated so that the ministry becomes stronger and plays a more active role in a number of areas,” Oreshkin said.
Press Secretary of the President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Peskov, commenting on the appointment of Babich as deputy head of the Ministry of Economic Development, said that “Babich will largely continue to deal with integration issues,” Peskov said. He noted that Babich will probably have many other responsibilities in the ministry, but “in many ways he will be involved in the coordination and organization of integration work, which is extremely important.” “We know that Babich has a fairly high level of expertise in this area, which he, of course, will be able to use to accelerate a variety of integration processes,” the press secretary of the Russian President emphasized.
Peskov noted that this topic covers a large number of departments, but “in many respects, the generalizing functions [on these issues] are performed by the Ministry of Economic Development.” “At least, the Ministry of Economic Development is one of the most active participants in the work process in this area,” said the Kremlin representative.
Mikhail Viktorovich Babich(born May 28, 1969, Ryazan, USSR) - Russian statesman. Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Volga Federal District since December 15, 2011.
Photo: Press service of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation (kremlin.ru)
Since January 19, 2012, Mikhail Viktorovich Babich has been an active state adviser of the Russian Federation, 1st class.
Member of the United Russia party.
Education
In 1990 he graduated from the Ryazan Higher Military Command School of Communications named after Marshal of the Soviet Union M.V. Zakharov;
In 1998 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Institute of Economics, Management and Law;
In 2000, he graduated from the State Academy of Management with a degree in financial management;
In 2005, he graduated from the faculty of retraining and advanced training of the Military Academy of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.
Candidate of Economic Sciences.
Career
From 1986 to 1995 he served in the Airborne Forces and the KGB troops of the USSR. Since 1995, he has been an entrepreneur and until 1998 he headed the Antey Corporation CJSC in Moscow.
From 1998 to 1999 - first vice president of the Rosmyasomoltorg company. In 1999 he entered the civil service. From 1999 to January 2000, he was First Deputy General Director of the State Unitary Enterprise “Federal Agency for Regulation of the Food Market” under the Ministry of Agriculture and Food of the Russian Federation.
From 2000 to 2001 - First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Moscow Region.
Since 2001 - first deputy head of the administration of the Ivanovo region and head of the regional representative office in Moscow and worked in this position until 2002.
From November 2002 to February 2003 - Chairman of the Government of the Chechen Republic.
In 2003, he was appointed Assistant Minister of Economic Development and Trade of the Russian Federation.
On December 7, 2003, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fourth convocation in the Kineshma single-mandate electoral district No. 81 (Ivanovo region).
On December 2, 2007, he was again elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation on the list of the United Russia party (Vladimir regional group). In the State Duma, he was Deputy Chairman of the Defense Committee and a member of the Commission for the consideration of federal budget expenditures aimed at ensuring the defense and state security of the Russian Federation.
On December 4, 2011, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the sixth convocation on the list of the United Russia party (Vladimir regional group).
On December 15, 2011, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1626, he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President in the Volga Federal District. http://pfo.gov.ru/district/
On December 29, 2011, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1709, he was appointed Chairman of the State Commission for Chemical Disarmament.
Awards
Mikhail Viktorovich Babich was awarded:
- Orders “For Services to the Fatherland” III degree (2017), “For Services to the Fatherland” IV degrees (August 12, 2011), Order of Honor, Order of Friendship (July 25, 2006), Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel Moscow" III degree (August 28, 2014).
- medals: “For courage”, “In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow”, “For strengthening the military community”, “For distinction in military service”.
- Certificate of Honor from the President of the Russian Federation (January 9, 2010) - “For services to lawmaking and the development of Russian parliamentarism.”
- Certificate of Honor from the Government of the Russian Federation.
- Named weapon.
- Honorary badge of the Federal Office for the Safe Storage and Destruction of Chemical Weapons “For outstanding achievements and personal contribution in the field of chemical disarmament” (2017).
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Belarus 2018-2019.
Acting State Advisor of the Russian Federation, 1st class.
Mikhail Babich was born on May 28, 1969 in the city of Ryazan. After school in 1990 he graduated from the Ryazan Higher Military Command School of Communications named after Marshal of the Soviet Union Matvey Zakharov. For the next four years, he served in the Airborne Forces and the troops of the State Security Committee of the USSR.
From 1995 to 1998 he headed the Antey Corporation CJSC in Moscow. In 1998 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Institute of Economics, Management and Law. He also has diplomas from the State Academy of Management and the Military Academy of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Russia. Candidate of Economic Sciences.
In 1998, Babich was appointed first vice-president of the Rosmyasomoltorg company, and at the same time was chairman of the supervisory board of Shuya Calico OJSC. A year later he entered the civil service. From 1999 to January 2000, he was First Deputy General Director of the state unitary enterprise “Federal Agency for Regulation of the Food Market” under the Ministry of Agriculture and Food of the Russian Federation.
Then, for a year, he acted as First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Moscow Region for the financial and economic block. Since 2001, he became the first deputy head of the administration of the Ivanovo region and the head of the regional representative office in Moscow. From November 2002 to February 2003, he was Chairman of the Government of the Chechen Republic. In July 2003, he was appointed Assistant Minister of Economic Development and Trade of Russia.
From 2003 to 2011, Mikhail Viktorovich was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the IV, V and VI convocations. First, according to the Kineshma single-mandate electoral district No. 81 - Ivanovo region, and then according to the list of the United Russia party. He was Deputy Chairman of the Defense Committee and a member of the Commission for the review of budget expenditures aimed at ensuring the defense and state security of the Russian Federation.
On December 15, 2011, Mikhail Babich was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President in the Volga Federal District, and on December 29 of the same year, by Decree of the President of Russia, he was appointed Chairman of the State Commission for Chemical Disarmament.
In mid-January 2012, Mikhail Viktorovich was awarded the class rank of Active State Advisor of the Russian Federation, 1st class.
On August 24, 2018, President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin appointed Mikhail Babich Ambassador of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Belarus. At the same time, he received the position of special representative of the President of Russia for the development of trade and economic cooperation with the Republic of Belarus.
By the Decree of the President of Russia dated April 30, 2019, Mikhail Babich was relieved of his duties as the Russian Ambassador to Belarus, as well as from the post of Special Representative of the President of Russia for the development of trade and economic cooperation with the Republic of Belarus.
Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev by Order No. 1300-r, published June 17, 2019, appointed former Russian Ambassador to Minsk Mikhail Babich as Deputy Minister of Economic Development of Russia.
Mikhail Babich Awards
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2017)
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (August 12, 2011)
Order of Honor
Order of Friendship (July 25, 2006) - for active participation in legislative activities and many years of conscientious work
Medal of Honor"
Medal "In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow"
Certificate of Honor from the President of the Russian Federation (January 9, 2010) - for services to lawmaking and the development of Russian parliamentarism
Certificate of Honor from the Government of the Russian Federation
Medal "For Strengthening the Military Commonwealth"
Medal "For Distinction in Military Service" 1st class
personalized weapon
Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, III degree (August 28, 2014) - in consideration of the assistance of the Nizhny Novgorod diocese and in connection with the 45th anniversary of his birth
