Home Kitchen garden on the windowsill Bloody tragedy on the Catherine's Channel. From a letter from the Executive Committee to Alexander III. The history of Russia in entertaining stories, parables and anecdotes of the 9th-19th centuries

Bloody tragedy on the Catherine's Channel. From a letter from the Executive Committee to Alexander III. The history of Russia in entertaining stories, parables and anecdotes of the 9th-19th centuries

Today, on March 1, 1881, according to the resolution of the Executive Committee of August 26, 1879, the execution of Alexander II by two agents of the IC was carried out.

Two years of effort and heavy sacrifice have been crowned with success. From now on, all of Russia can be convinced that persistent and stubborn struggle can break even the age-old despotism of the Romanovs.

The IK repeatedly warned the now deceased tyrant, repeatedly admonished him to put an end to his murderous arbitrariness and return to Russia its natural rights. The tyrant did not pay attention to all the warnings, continuing the previous policy. Oi could not refrain from executions, even such outrageously unjust as the execution of Kvyatkovsky.

From the Appeal of the IC "Narodnaya Volya" to the people "Honest laity, Orthodox peasants and the entire Russian people"

The late Tsar Alexander II did not care about his people, burdened them with unbearable taxes, deprived the peasants of land, gave the worker to ruin to every robber and world-eater, did not listen to tearful peasant complaints. He defended only the rich and himself feasted and lived luxuriously when the people were dying of hunger. He killed hundreds of thousands of people in the war, which he started unnecessarily. He allegedly defended other peoples from the Turks, and gave his people to the ruin of the sergeants, the police and the police, who tortured and killed the peasants worse than the Turks.

The king is slain! Killed by the tradesman Rysakov and his comrades. Not for the first time they raised their hand against the king. The peasants wanted to kill him Tikhonov, Shiryaev, workers Khalturin and Presnyakov, former folk teacher Soloviev and others.

Why did they kill the king? After all, he liberated the peasants from the landlords? Yes. The tsar gave the peasant land, so he drove it so that he had almost one foot per soul, and gave more than half of the blood peasant land to the bars. He gave the peasant the real will: the will to die of hunger, the will to go into bondage to the bars, the merchant, his brother kulak; will - the sergeants and officials to crutch the peasant's neck!



The tsar himself in 1879 ordered to announce to the peasants that they would not have land! The tsar himself is the master over the bars, the world-eater over the world-eaters, the official over the officials.

There were people in Russia who told the people how to get them a real peasant will. They [the rulers] began to kill those people in prisons, send them to Siberia without counting them to hard labor, hang them up and shoot them. It was for these cruelties that the king deceived the people, and they killed the king.

Russian Empire during the reign of Alexander III.

Document number 121

Questions and tasks for document number 121:

1. For what purpose do you think the Executive Committee sent the letter to Alexander?

3. What ways out of this situation did Narodnaya Volya suggest to the new tsar? Were they real in the conditions of Russia?

4. Drawing on knowledge of history, remember what was the fate of the participants in the regicide?

Your Majesty!

The bloody tragedy that played out on the Catherine Canal was not an accident and was not unexpected for anyone. The government, of course, can still overcap and outweigh many individuals. It can destroy many separate revolutionary groups. This will not change the state of affairs in the least. The revolutionaries are created by circumstances, the general displeasure of the people, Russia's striving for new social forms.

There can be two ways out of this situation: either a revolution, completely inevitable, which cannot be prevented by any executions, or a voluntary appeal of the supreme power to the people.

The conditions that are necessary for the revolutionary movement to be replaced by peaceful work have not been created by us, but by history. There are two conditions:

1) general amnesty for all political crimes of the past, since these were not crimes, but execution of civic duty;

2) the convocation of representatives from the entire Russian people to revise the existing forms of state and public life and remake them in accordance with the people's desires. Elections must be made under the following circumstances:

1) deputies are sent from all classes and estates indifferently and in proportion to the number of inhabitants;

3) Election campaigning and the elections themselves must be carried out completely freely, and therefore the government must, in the form of a temporary measure, pending the decision of the national assembly, allow:

a) complete freedom of the press,

b) complete freedom of speech,

c) complete freedom of gatherings,

d) complete freedom of electoral programs.

So, Your Majesty, decide. There are two paths before you. The choice depends on you.

Documents No. 122 and 123

On the conditions for the redemption of land by peasants

Questions and tasks for documents No. 122 and 123:

1. Drawing on knowledge of history, explain what is the temporarily liable position of the peasants?

3. What is the meaning and what are the consequences of the decree "On lowering redemption payments" for the peasant economy?

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO EMPEROR ALEXANDER III

Your Majesty! While fully understanding the painful mood that you are experiencing at the present moment, the Executive Committee does not consider itself entitled to succumb to a sense of natural delicacy, which may require waiting some time for the following explanation. There is something higher than the most legitimate feelings of a person: it is a duty to his native country, a duty to which a citizen is forced to sacrifice himself, and his feelings, and even the feelings of other people. Obeying this omnipotent duty, we decide to turn to you immediately, without waiting for anything, since the historical process that threatens us in the future with rivers of blood and the most severe upheavals does not await.

The bloody tragedy that played out on the Catherine Canal was not an accident and was not unexpected for anyone. After all that has happened over the past decade, it was completely inevitable, and this is its deep meaning, which must be understood by a person placed by fate at the head of government power. Only a person who is completely incapable of analyzing the life of nations can explain such facts by the malicious intent of individuals or at least a "gang". For 10 whole years, we see how in our country, despite the most severe persecution, despite the fact that the government of the late emperor sacrificed everything - freedom, the interests of all classes, the interests of industry and even its own dignity - it certainly sacrificed everything to suppress the revolutionary movement, it nevertheless stubbornly grew, attracting to itself the best elements of the country, the most energetic and selfless people of Russia, and for three years now it entered into a desperate, partisan war with the government.

You know, Your Majesty, that the government of the late emperor cannot be blamed for a lack of energy. We hanged the right and the guilty, prisons and remote provinces were overflowing with exiles. As many as dozens of the so-called "leaders" are overfished, outweighed. They perished with the courage and calmness of martyrs, but the movement did not stop, it grew and grew incessantly. Yes, Your Majesty, the revolutionary movement is not a matter that depends on individuals. This is a process of the people's organism, and the gallows erected for the most energetic exponents of this process are just as powerless to save the moribund order, just as the death of the Savior on the cross did not save the corrupted ancient world from the triumph of reforming Christianity.

The government, of course, can still overcap and outweigh many individuals. It can destroy many separate revolutionary groups. Let us assume that it destroys even the most serious revolutionary organization in existence. But all this will not change the state of affairs in the least. The revolutionaries are created by circumstances, the general displeasure of the people, Russia's striving for new social forms. It is impossible to destroy the entire people, and it is impossible to destroy their discontent by means of reprisals: displeasure, on the contrary, grows from this. Therefore, to replace the exterminated, new personalities, even more embittered, even more energetic, are constantly being nominated from the people. These individuals, in the interests of the struggle, of course, organize themselves, having the ready-made experience of their predecessors; therefore, the revolutionary organization must be strengthened over time, both quantitatively and qualitatively. We have seen this in reality over the past 10 years. What benefit did the government benefit from the deaths of the Dolgushins, Tchaikovites, and leaders of 74? They were replaced by much more resolute populists. Terrible government repressions then brought the terrorists of 78 -79 to the scene. In vain did the government exterminate the Kovalsky, Dubrovins, Osinsky, Lizogubs. It was in vain to destroy dozens of revolutionary circles. From these imperfect organizations, only stronger forms are developed by natural selection. Finally, the Executive Committee appears, with which the government is still unable to cope.

Taking an impartial look at the difficult decade we have experienced, one can accurately predict the future course of the movement, unless the government's policy changes. The movement must grow, increase, facts of a terrorist nature must be repeated more and more sharply; the revolutionary organization will put forward in place of the exterminated groups more and more perfect, strong forms. Meanwhile, the total number of dissatisfied people in the country is increasing; trust in the government among the people should fall more and more, the idea of ​​revolution, about its possibility and inevitability, will develop more and more firmly in Russia. A terrible explosion, a bloody reshuffle, a convulsive revolutionary upheaval throughout Russia will complete this process of destruction of the old order.

What is causing this terrible prospect? Yes, Your Majesty, terrible and sad. Don't mistake this for a phrase. We understand better than anyone else how sad is the death of so many talents, such energy in the deeds of destruction, in bloody battles, at a time when these forces under different conditions could be spent directly on creative work, on the development of the people, its intelligence, welfare, his civil society. Why does this sad necessity of a bloody struggle occur?

Because, Your Majesty, now we have no real government in its true sense. The government, by its very principle, should only express the people's aspirations, only carry out the people's will. Meanwhile, in our country - excuse the expression - the government has degenerated into a pure camarilla and deserves the name of a usurping gang much more than the Executive Committee. Whatever the intentions of the sovereign, but the actions of the government have nothing to do with the people's benefit and aspirations. The imperial government subordinated the people to serfdom, gave the masses to the power of the nobility; at the present time it is openly creating the most harmful class of speculators and profiteers. All his reforms lead only to the fact that the people fall into more and more slavery, more and more exploited. It has brought Russia to the point that at present the masses of the people are in a state of complete poverty and ruin, not free from the most offensive supervision even at their home, powerless even in their worldly, public affairs. Only the predator, the exploiter, enjoys the protection of the law and the government: the most outrageous robberies remain unpunished. But what a terrible fate awaits a person who sincerely thinks about the common good. You know well, Your Majesty, that not only socialists are exiled and persecuted. What is a government that maintains such an "order"? Is this not a gang, is it not a manifestation of complete usurpation?

That is why the Russian government has no moral influence, no support among the people; that is why Russia gives birth to so many revolutionaries; that is why even such a fact as regicide evokes joy and sympathy in a huge part of the population! Yes, Your Majesty, do not be fooled by the reviews of flatterers and servants. Regicide is very popular in Russia.

There can be two ways out of this situation: either a revolution, completely inevitable, which cannot be prevented by any executions, or a voluntary appeal of the supreme power to the people. In the interests of the native land, in order to avoid unnecessary loss of strength, in order to avoid those terrible calamities that always accompany the revolution, the Executive Committee appeals to Your Majesty with advice to choose the second path. Believe that as soon as the supreme power ceases to be arbitrary, as soon as it firmly decides to fulfill only the demands of the people's conscience and conscience, you can safely drive out the spies who dishonor the government, send the escorts to the barracks and burn the gallows that corrupt the people. The executive committee [is] itself will cease its activities, and the forces organized around it will disperse in order to devote themselves to cultural work for the benefit of the native people. Peaceful, ideological struggle will replace violence, which is repugnant to us more than to your servants, and which we practice only out of sad necessity.

We appeal to you, having cast aside all prejudices, suppressing the mistrust created by centuries of government activity. We forget that you are a representative of the government that deceived the people so much, did them so much harm. We are addressing you as a citizen and an honest person. We hope that the feeling of personal bitterness will not drown out the consciousness of your duties and desire to know the truth in you. We can have anger as well. You've lost your father. We lost not only fathers, but also brothers, wives, children, best friends. But we are ready to drown out personal feelings if the good of Russia demands it. We expect the same from you.

We do not set conditions for you. Don't be shocked by our proposal. The conditions that are necessary for the revolutionary movement to be replaced by peaceful work have not been created by us, but by history. We do not set, but only remind them.

These conditions, in our opinion, are two:

1) general amnesty for all political crimes of the past, since these were not crimes, but execution of civic duty;

2) the convocation of representatives from the entire Russian people to revise the existing forms of state and public life and remake them in accordance with the people's desires.

We consider it necessary to remind, however, that the legalization of the supreme power by the people's representation can be achieved only if the elections are completely free. Therefore, elections must be made under the following circumstances:

1) deputies are sent from all classes and estates indifferently and in proportion to the number of inhabitants;

2) there should be no restrictions either for voters or for deputies;

3) the election campaign and the elections themselves must be completely free, and therefore the government must, in the form of a temporary measure, pending the decision of the people's assembly, allow: a) complete freedom of the press, b) complete freedom of speech, c) complete freedom of gatherings, d) complete freedom of electoral programs.

This is the only way to return Russia to the path of correct and peaceful development. We solemnly declare in front of our native country and the whole world that our party, for its part, will unconditionally obey the decision of the People's Assembly, elected under the above conditions, and will not allow itself in the future any violent opposition to the government sanctioned by the People's Assembly.

So, Your Majesty, decide. There are two paths before you. The choice depends on you. Then we can only ask fate for your reason and conscience to suggest you a solution that is the only one consistent with the good of Russia, with your own dignity and obligations to your native country.

Executive Committee, March 10, 1881 Printing house of "Narodnaya Volya", March 12, 1881

Printed by: Revolutionary populism of the 70s XIX century, T. 2, p. 235-236.

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The bloody tragedy played out on the Catherine Canal was not an accident and was not unexpected for anyone. After all that has happened over the past decade, it was completely inevitable, and this is its deep meaning, which must be understood by a person placed by fate at the head of government power. Only a person who is completely incapable of analyzing the life of nations can explain such facts by the malicious intent of individuals or at least a "gang". For 10 whole years, we see how in our country, despite the most severe persecution, despite the fact that the government of the late Emperor sacrificed everything - freedom, the interests of all classes, the interests of industry and even its own dignity - absolutely sacrificed everything to suppress the revolutionary movement, it nevertheless, it stubbornly grew, attracting the best elements of the country, the most energetic and selfless people of Russia, and for three years now it entered into a desperate, partisan war with the government. You know, Your Majesty, that the government of the late Emperor cannot be blamed for a lack of energy. We hanged both the right and the guilty, prisons and remote provinces were overflowing with exiles. As many as dozens of the so-called "leaders" were overfished, suspended: they died with the courage and calmness of the martyrs, but the movement did not stop, it grew and grew stronger without interruption. Yes, Your Majesty, the revolutionary movement is not a matter that depends on individuals. This is a process of the people's organism, and the gallows erected for the most energetic exponents of this process are just as powerless to save the moribund order, just as the death of the Savior on the cross did not save the corrupted ancient world from the triumph of reforming Christianity.

The government, of course, can still overcap and outweigh many individuals. It can destroy many separate revolutionary groups. Let us assume that it destroys even the most serious revolutionary organization in existence. But all this will not change the state of affairs in the least. The revolutionaries are created by circumstances, the general displeasure of the people, Russia's striving for new social forms. It is impossible to exterminate the entire people, nor is it possible to destroy their discontent by means of reprisals; displeasure, on the contrary, grows from this ...

... Whatever the intentions of the sovereign, but the actions of the government have nothing to do with the people's benefit and aspirations. The imperial government subordinated the people to serfdom, gave the masses to the power of the nobility; at the present time it is openly creating the most harmful class of speculators and profiteers. All his reforms lead only to the fact that the people are falling into more and more slavery, more and more exploited. It has brought Russia to the point that at present the masses of the people are in a state of complete poverty and ruin, are not free from the most insulting supervision even at their home, they are not even in power in their worldly, public affairs ...

... That is why the Russian government has no moral influence, no support among the people; that is why Russia gives birth to so many revolutionaries; that is why even such a fact as regicide evokes joy and sympathy in a huge part of the population! Yes, Your Majesty, do not be fooled by the reviews of flatterers and servants. Regicide is very popular in Russia.

There can be two ways out of this situation: either a revolution, completely inevitable, which cannot be prevented by any executions, or - a voluntary appeal of the Supreme Power to the people. In the interests of the native country, in order to avoid unnecessary loss of strength, in order to avoid the very terrible disasters that always accompany the revolution, the Executive Committee appeals to Your Majesty with advice to choose the second path ...

... We appeal to you, having cast aside all prejudices, suppressing the mistrust that has been created by the centuries-old activities of the government. We forget that you are a representative of the government that only deceived the people, did them so much harm. We are addressing you as a citizen and an honest person. We hope that the feeling of personal bitterness will not drown out the consciousness of your duties and desire to know the truth in you. We can have anger as well. You've lost your father. We lost not only fathers, but also brothers, wives, children, best friends. But we are ready to drown out personal feelings if the good of Russia demands it. We expect the same from you ...

... So, Your Majesty - decide. There are two paths before you. The choice depends on you. Then we can only ask fate for your reason and conscience to suggest you a solution that is the only one consistent with the good of Russia, with your own dignity and obligations to your native country.

Maria diligently folded expensive sheets. The emperor did not listen, violence and repression continued. Well?! The struggle did not stop either. She will carry this letter across the province, let the people read it. Young birch withstood the hurricane. She bent down, rested her top on the ground, like a stretched bow, but she squeezed out ... She can do it too.

It was raining. The wind ruffled the rotten straw on the roofs of the village huts. Lichen stood out on the rain-blackened logs. The tow was shaggy with heavy droplets of rain.

The village of Goreloe, in which Maria taught for the third year, was drowned in autumn mud. On the side of the road, washed out by the rain, stunted elder bushes with withered leaves stuck out lonely. The aspen trembled, covering the road with gray circles.

Having tied a scarf and raised the collar of her jacket, Maria hurried. Legs parted in sticky mud. She pulled them out with difficulty. The paramedic bag with the tools pulled back his hand. We still have to go through the old mill. The wind tossed twisted wings, and the water hummed at the dam, lined with wicker willow. Having waited out the gust of wind, Maria, through the veil of rain, discerned a light in a still distant hut. Fyodor ran ahead in a long army jacket, belted with a rope. An old hat is pulled down over his very eyes. The boy stopped, waited for her to get over the puddle.

Coming soon! And over there, Daddy is at the hut!

Maria hurried, risking falling onto the road washed out by the rain. A light flickered faintly in the hut. A bearded man stood in the doorway. The wind blew the canvas shirt with a sail. In the unbuttoned collar of his shirt, a pewter cross was visible on a lace. He brushed drops of rain from his face, and maybe even tears.

Go to the hut, Savely! Maria handed him the bag. - You'll catch a cold! The weather ...

Maria wiped her feet on a large stone - a millstone, hollowed out and chipped. She pushed open the door and immediately found herself in the upper room. I breathed a sour sheepskin. A lamb lay in a curled ball by the Russian stove, which occupied most of the hut. On the earthen floor there is a bucket covered with gray crested beetles. On a high ear is a rooster with a red eye. A sick boy darted about on a bench under a colorful patchwork quilt. In the corner, in front of the icon, a woman was kneeling, whom Mary did not immediately notice.

Maria greeted her. The woman got up reluctantly from her knees. Her face was swollen with tears. She silently walked over to her son and threw back the covers.

Which day is sick? Maria asked.

The third one ... They brought a piece of land from the grave of the little girl, put it on the breast, but the heat does not go away! The woman ran her hand over the child's glowing forehead.

Zemlyatsu ?! What for?

They say it helps with fever.

Maria shook her head: such "treatment" was the most widespread in the village, no matter how much she explained its uselessness. I washed my hands over an earthen bowl and went up to the boy.

Vasyatka was in his fifth year. Maria knew him. How often he fell silent at the door, seeing his brother to school. So she remembered it - swirling, blue-eyed, stood at the doorframe and listened to a fairy tale. And now the friend was unrecognizable. His cheeks blazed with crimson-violet fire. The boy rushed about, his slender belly heaving high, then pulled to the spine. Vasyatka was suffocating.

From the letter of the Executive Committee to Alexander III 6

10. III. 1881 g.

Your Majesty!

The bloody tragedy that played out on the Catherine Canal was not an accident and was not unexpected for anyone ...

You know, Your Majesty, that the government of the late Emperor cannot be blamed for a lack of energy. We hanged the right and the guilty, prisons and remote provinces were overflowing with exiles. As many as dozens of the so-called "leaders" are overfished, outweighed.

The government, of course, can still overcap and outweigh many individuals. It can destroy many separate revolutionary groups. Let us assume that it destroys even the most serious revolutionary organization in existence. But all this will not change the state of affairs in the least. The revolutionaries are created by circumstances, the general displeasure of the people, Russia's striving for new social forms ...

Looking with an impartial glance at the difficult decade we have lived through, one can accurately predict the further course of the movement, unless the government's policy changes ... A terrible explosion, a bloody reshuffle, a convulsive revolutionary upheaval of all of Russia will complete this process of destruction of the old order.

There can be two ways out of this situation: either a revolution, completely inevitable, which cannot be prevented by any executions, or a voluntary appeal of the supreme power to the people.

We do not put conditions on you. Don't be shocked by our proposal. The conditions that are necessary for the revolutionary movement to be replaced by peaceful work have not been created by us, but by history. We do not set, but only remind them.

These conditions, in our opinion, are two:

1) general amnesty for all political crimes of the past, since these were not crimes, but execution of civic duty;

2) the convocation of representatives from the entire Russian people to revise the existing forms of state and public life and remake them in accordance with the people's desires.

We consider it necessary to remind, however, that the legalization of the supreme power by the people's representation can be achieved only if the elections are completely free. Therefore, elections must be made under the following circumstances:

1) deputies are sent from all classes and estates indifferently and in proportion to the number of inhabitants;

2) there should be no restrictions either for voters or for deputies;

3) the election campaign and the elections themselves must be carried out completely freely, and therefore the government must, in the form of a temporary measure, pending the decision of the people's assembly, allow: a) complete freedom of the press, b) complete freedom of speech, c) complete freedom of gatherings, d) complete freedom of electoral programs.

So, your majesty, decide. There are two paths before you. The choice depends on you. Then we can only ask fate, so that your reason and conscience would prompt you a solution that is the only one consistent with the good of Russia, with your own dignity and obligations to your native country.

Revolutionary populism of the seventies of the XIX century: In 2 volumes - M., 1964. - T. 2.- S. 191-195.

Letter from the People's Will to Alexander III dated March 10, 1881

On the ninth day after the assassination of Alexander II, March 10, 1881, the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya" addressed a letter to his son - the new Russian autocrat Alexander III. We present this letter in its most important fragments:

“Your Majesty!

The bloody tragedy that played out on the Catherine Canal was not an accident and was not unexpected for anyone ...

You know, Your Majesty, that the government of the late emperor cannot be blamed for a lack of energy. We hanged the right and the guilty, prisons and remote provinces were overflowing with exiles. As many as dozens of the so-called "leaders" are overfished, outweighed.

The government, of course, can still overcap and outweigh many individuals. It can destroy many separate revolutionary groups. Let us assume that it destroys even the most serious revolutionary organization in existence. But all this will in no way change the state of affairs. Revolutionaries are created by circumstances, the general displeasure of the people, Russia's striving for new social forms ... Looking at the difficult decade we have experienced with an impartial glance, one can accurately predict the further course of the movement, unless the government's policy changes ... A terrible explosion, a bloody reshuffle, a convulsive revolutionary shock the whole of Russia will complete this process of destruction of the old order.

There can be two ways out of this situation: either a revolution, completely inevitable, which cannot be prevented by any executions, or a voluntary appeal of the supreme power to the people.

We do not set conditions for you. Don't be shocked by our proposal. The conditions that are necessary for the revolutionary movement to be replaced by peaceful work were created not by us, but by history, we do not set, but only remind them.

In our opinion, these conditions are two:

1) general amnesty for all political crimes of the past, since these were not crimes, but execution of civic duty;

2) the convocation of representatives from the entire Russian people to revise the existing forms of state and public life and remake them in accordance with the people's desires.

We consider it necessary to remind, however, that the legalization of the supreme power by the people's representation can be achieved only if the elections are completely free. Therefore, elections must be made under the following circumstances:

1) deputies are sent from all classes and estates indifferently and in proportion to the number of inhabitants;

2) there should be no restrictions either for voters or for deputies;

3) the election campaign and the elections themselves must be carried out completely freely, and therefore the government must, in the form of a temporary measure, pending the decision of the people's assembly, allow:

a) complete freedom of the press, b) complete freedom of speech, c) complete freedom of gatherings, d) complete freedom of electoral programs.

So, Your Majesty, decide. There are two paths before you. The choice depends on you. Then we can only ask fate for your reason and conscience to suggest you a solution that is the only one consistent with the good of Russia, with your own dignity and obligations to your native country. "

Traditions always consolidate what has been achieved in public life, they are powerful social means of stabilizing social relations and the reproduction of these relations in the life of new generations. Therefore, the conservatism of the Russian peasantry was not so much a brake and hindrance on the path of reform, but rather acted as a means of keeping society from chaos and destruction, as a guarantor of the stability and self-preservation of the community in the face of a general crisis. According to Professor P.S. Kabytova (Samara State University), the global conflict in the post-reform village took place along the line of confrontation between peasant and industrial civilizations. As F. Braudel aptly put it, agrarian capital was “capitalism at a party” and, as the powerful agrarian movement of the early 20th century shows, did not fall into the hands of the bulk of the peasantry. The way out of this conflict could be cooperation, because it allowed the peasant economy, while preserving its family-labor nature, to conduct an equal market dialogue with the industrial society. However, as a result, the industrial expansion into the countryside intensified, and the decaying latifundial economy exacerbated among the peasants the feeling of land crampedness and the feeling of hatred for the privileged class.

In these conditions, the tsarist government, in its desire to transform the agrarian system according to European standards, began to violently destroy the traditional peasant way of life. "The village did not accept the alien values ​​imposed by it, and responded with a decisive radical agrarian revolution ..."

The most important part of Western economic "science", according to the Russian economist S.F.Sharapov, is the financial "science". The financial "science" of our time is like military science. Both invent new weapons of struggle. The financial "science" that Russian "young financiers" adopted was, however, intended not to strengthen Russia's position, but, on the contrary, so that the West could defeat our country. In “Paper Ruble” S. Sharapov wrote: “In an economy based on struggle, part of it, financial science, is a completely consistent instrument of struggle. Just as military techniques have recently invented all the most terrible weapons of destruction with the greatest speed, Western financial science, developing inexorably consistently in one direction, forged the most perfect weapon for the economic struggle, translated this struggle from a small single combat of some shoemaker with a consumer, or a usurer with a debtor for Rothschild's struggle with the whole of humanity, for the struggle of the Anglo-Saxon world with the German over the market for manufactures, or for America's struggle with Russia over gold and wheat. "
The poisonous fruits of the use of Western financial "science" in Russia began to ripen quite early. Sharapov writes: “Financial science puts forward its own laws, and life completely contradicts them. Financial science, on the basis of its speculations, recommends certain measures, life rejects them. Finally, financial science predicts phenomena, calculates them and understands, but in reality something quite different turns out, sometimes the exact opposite. "

According to S. Sharapov, outside Russia there were also minds that proposed alternative models of the financial structure, but in Russia their theories (and even names) were hushed up or spat on. Sharapov refers to the number of economists and statesmen and public figures who approached the understanding of how the financial system should be built: the financier-practitioner of the 18th century John Law (whose works are poorly understood and almost completely forgotten, and the appearance of John Law even in modern RF is demonized and distorted); some utopian socialists (without mentioning specific names); the German economist Friedrich List (as the first to recognize the great role of the moral principle in economics); Adolf Wagner (who specially devoted an enormous work to Russia, “for a long time considered something like a financial Gospel in our country”); Robertus ("unfortunately, only outlined the true laws of monetary circulation in his famous book" Studies in the field of the national economy of classical antiquity ", but by no means resolved them").
Carelessness, venality and ignorance are the pillars of Russian financial reforms. There are several reasons why Russia, in terms of its finances, lives with someone else's mind, according to S. Sharapov. Let's dwell on one. In Russia, by the middle of the 19th century, there was no necessary understanding of how the country's financial system should look like. The absence in Russia of its own financial theory led to disastrous consequences, expensive mistakes, for which, as Sharapov said, “we will still have to pay for a long time”: public opinion or the case of persons called upon to manage the state economy, one could safely be sure that the same wise alertness (above the author spoke of the alertness that the Russian Autocrats showed when it was proposed to issue an additional amount of paper banknotes - V.K. ) was also manifested in other branches of the financial business. The old credit institutions would not have been uselessly dismantled, other financial grounds for the great reform of 1861 would have been found, otherwise the Russian railways would have been built, so many foreign and domestic loans that oppress Russia would not have been made. But there was no financial science, there were doctrinaire theorists dressed in Western scholarship ”(“ Paper Ruble ”).

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