Home Fruit trees Political ideas of communism. Parliamentary activity of the communists. Political parties, totalitarianism

Fruit trees

Political ideas of communism. Parliamentary activity of the communists. Political parties, totalitarianism

Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation

Gubkin Institute (branch)

Moscow State Open University

ESSAY

POLITICAL SCIENCE

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) in the modern political life of the country

Student ________3_______ course

correspondence department

specialty "Mining machines and equipment"

Sharova A.A.

Head: Ph.D., Associate Professor

Bogdanov S.V.

Gubkin - 2007

P L A N

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . With. 3

Communist Party of the Russian Federation: from prohibition to activation of political

activities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . With. 5

Socio-economic and political platform

contemporary Russian communism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p.11

3. Social support of the Communist Party. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . With. 19

Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p.23

List of used literature and sources. . . . . . . . . . . p.24

Introduction

Comprehending some of the results of the formation of a multi-party system in our country, it can be generally stated that the current stage of development of the Russian multi-party system is still very far from what is called a multi-party system, within which various subjects of political action are ready to cooperate in order to achieve public consent, or at least at least adhere to the general constitutional and legal principles of behavior. In our case, we rather have to talk about a non-systemic plurality of parties with often radically opposite positions, with a significant influence among them of forces of a totalitarian orientation. At the same time, on the well-fortified left flank of the political spectrum, they do not hide a hostile attitude towards the current Constitution and attitudes towards non-legal methods of solving the problem.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which emerged as the legal successor and ideological heir of the CPSU over a turbulent decade from the late 80s to the late 90s, went through a very difficult path of its development, internal conflicts and had to adapt to changes in socio-economic, political and spiritual realities in the country. Which of the orthodox communists would have imagined V.I. Lenin in an Orthodox church during worship, I.V. Stalin at some world economic forum in quiet and prosperous Switzerland at the same table with the bigwigs of world business, etc.

Indeed, the modern doctrine of the Communist Party very remotely resembles the former communist legacy. In the works of the leader of modern Russian communists, G. A. Zyuganov, many key moments of the twentieth century are voiced in a new way. Indeed, in none of Lenin's works will we find any mention of the fact that in February 1917 "legitimate state power collapsed" 1 . We are talking about the royal regime ...

Of course, the realities of the 90s. they are forcing the main ideologist of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation either to clothe the postulates of the former Bolshevik doctrine in new forms, or in fact to abandon the anachronisms of the past.

Although in the brochure of G. Zyuganov already cited above, we can find a lot of clichés that seem to have migrated to the political journalism of Doctor of Philosophical Sciences G.A. Zyuganov from the historical and socio-political literature of the 60-70s.

The study of the socio-economic and political concept of the Communist Party, the definition of the electoral field of the Communists allow, to a certain extent, to predict the processes of either attenuation or growth of interest in the communist ideology and the Communist Party as its bearer.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation: from prohibition to activation of political

activities.

Liberalization of the political climate in the late 80s. accelerated and brought to a new level the processes of development and unification of tens of thousands of informal groups. Although not all of them were involved in political activities, the number of groups that considered themselves "political" continued to grow. Many of them united in unions, associations or popular fronts - the prototypes of political parties. The creation of informal associations was not always based on a clear political program; sometimes they arose in the process of solving practical problems related to everyday life.

The will to emancipate social life that manifested itself among the masses, the abundance of committees, organizations, groups, and popular fronts more and more clearly pointed to the limitations and inconsistency of partial, distorted democratization. The disadvantage of the latter was most clearly expressed in the desire to preserve the one-party political system, the monopoly of the CPSU on the analysis of general political problems and the development of strategic concepts.

At a time when the flywheel of historical events in Russia was only just beginning to spin, the chances of the democratic movement for noticeable success in its confrontation with the CPSU seemed small. The Communists are clearly well prepared for change. While one part of the party, with enterprise unexpected for society, joined in the processes of denationalization of socialist property initiated by it (while even managing to convince certain circles in the West and part of the domestic democratic public that the transformation of property in the USSR is possible only through nomenklatura privatization), the other part of it took the position of criticizing any privatization and was preparing to use the inevitable dissatisfaction of the broad masses with the injustices of privatization to once again act as a defender of the disadvantaged and create a powerful social base for the revival of the communist movement. Despite the fact that since the autumn of 1998, sociologists have recorded a sharp drop in the authority of the CPSU (according to the data of the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center for 1990, only 6% of citizens expressed complete confidence in the CPSU), the real and potential positions of the Communist Party still seemed very strong, right up to the August coup of 1991 2 .

was suspended, and its property was taken under control by the Soviets of People's Deputies. Soon after that M.S. Gorbachev resigned as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and called on the Central Committee to decide on self-dissolution. The final point at that stage was put by the Decree of the President of the RSFSR of November 6, 1991 "On the activities of the CPSU and the CP of the RSFSR", prescribing the termination of activities and the dissolution of the organizational structures of the CPSU and the CP of the RSFSR on the territory of the RSFSR. The collapse of the USSR that followed in December 1991 and the formation of an independent state - the Russian Federation - further strengthened the position of anti-communist forces in the Russian political spectrum and in power structures.

However, in the mass consciousness, the defeat of the Communist Party was by no means so obvious at that time. And although, according to the ISPI RAS, more than half of the population fully agreed with the decisions to suspend the activities of the CPSU and believed that this party should not resume its activities, 28% of the respondents, on the contrary, were convinced that the Communist Party should be revived, and almost half of the polled communists (46%) were ready to renew their party membership.

At the same time, only every fourth respondent was sure that after the ban on the CPSU, the country would follow the path of democratic development, and at the same time, the same number believed that in this case the country would face the dictatorship of the new government. It is indicative that half of the respondents could not express themselves clearly on this issue.

Thus, in society, unlike the highest echelons of power, there was clearly no euphoria of victory. It, according to observers, split and hid 3 .

After the collapse of the CPSU, the process of establishing a multi-party system in Russia entered a qualitatively new stage. If earlier the political activity of parties and movements of very different orientations was mainly directed against the CPSU and the allied center identified with it, now they were forced to look for a new basis for self-expression and self-identification (this, above all, concerned the democratic

movement, which in essence has always been only an association "against" and not "for"). At the same time, the heterogeneity of the democratic movement, the lack of unity in it regarding the goals and means of transformation, were exposed. As for the left forces, they very quickly recovered from the blow and began to gradually win back the lost frontiers.

The decisive role in this was played by the beginning in 1992 of shock reforms with their characteristic processes of rapid social stratification and impoverishment of the broad masses. A significant contribution to the process of strengthening the positions of the Communists was made by the decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation adopted on November 30, 1992 in the case of checking the constitutionality of a number of presidential decrees concerning the Communist Party. The Russian communists managed to keep not only part of their property, but, perhaps more importantly, their territorial party cells. It is largely due to the fact that the communists retained an extensive system of territorial party links, well established during the years of Soviet power, that we now have a situation in which more than half of the mass grassroots activists of Russian political associations are oriented towards left-wing political structures and mainly towards those belonging to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. All this contributed to the rapid resuscitation of the communist forces and their active involvement in the political struggle, both as participants in the 1993 election campaign for the election of a new supreme legislative body, and under the banner of the extreme opposition, which boycotted these elections.

By the end of 1993, in the complex palette of political orientations of the Russian population, three main centers of political and ideological attraction were already clearly distinguished, around which supporters of all at least noticeable political ideas, movements and associations are grouped today. They can be conditionally designated as "pro-capitalist reformism", "pro-socialist anti-reformism" and national-power ideology. It was precisely this alignment of political orientations of Russian society that was generally recorded already by the results of the elections to the State Duma in 1993. However, the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of October 1993, which followed the tragic events of September-October majoritarian electoral system. The new electoral system contributed to a slowdown in the radicalization of political relations, and, above all, by reducing the activity of the extra-parliamentary opposition. In particular, the participation in the elections of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the subsequent activity of the communist faction in the State Duma noticeably reoriented the communist opposition to the development of legitimate methods of struggle for power and gave the main structure of the communist movement a certain social democratic shade. Communists and agrarians failed to become the main spokesmen for oppositional sentiments in society.

These statistics allow us to conclude that it is premature and unreasonable to write off the Communist Party from the political arena. The communist movement has potential and it is quite serious.

Socio-economic and political platform of modern Russian communism.

In fact, it has been ten years since the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continues to be on the political horizon of the country. Has the political platform changed, the socio-economic views of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on the key problems of Russian reality? The answer is clear - they have changed. Of course, you will see less fiery political pathos, so characteristic of the first years of market reforms, more scientific explanations and multivariate approaches, regular recipes for bringing the country out of the crisis.

In connection with this, many not only opponents, but also associates hastened to accuse the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov of maneuvering, opportunism (the situation paradoxically resembles V. Lenin's painful search for options to bring the country out of the crisis of 1921 and approbation of a new economic model). Although this is hardly true.

Today's communist leaders are not the orthodox who measure their words and deeds with the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. The changed socio-economic realities in the state, the generation of Russians who grew up in a completely different country, the vast information space that has opened up, are forcing modern CPRF ideologists to significantly adjust their program settings, which they offer to their both explicit and potential electorate.

So in the CPRF Election Platform "For Our Soviet Motherland!", approved by the All-Russian Conference of the CPRF on August 26, 1995, defining modern communists, it says: "We are from the party of Alexei Stakhanov and Yuri Gagarin, Mikhail Sholokhov and Alexander Tvardovsky, Ivan Pamfilov and Georgy Zhukov, Musa Jalil and Vasily Sukhomlinsky, Pasha Angelina and Terenty Maltsev, Sergei Korolev and Igor Kurchatov, millions of communists and non-party patriots of the socialist Fatherland" 5 .

It can be noted that in this list, which is quite understandable and familiar to many from the school bench, there are no names of Lenin, Stalin, Beria, Abakumov, Yezhov, Kaganovich, Molotov, Brezhnev, etc. Of course, modern communist ideologists have to reckon with what glasnost did in the mid-1980s, when the indisputable authorities of the theory and practice of building a socialist society in our country appeared in a completely different form. A real revolution took place in the public consciousness - the former idols could no longer be landmarks; their charisma was destroyed.

It would, of course, be unhistorical to approach the socio-economic and political realities of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century with the standards of modernity. But it would be just as wrong not to see the ideas rooted in Lenin's views about the acceleration in the transition of society from capitalism to socialism, which was conceived on a worldwide scale and as a result of the victory of violence "from below" over violence "from above". However, this is now an indisputable fact: “Lenin lost the historic dispute with the revisionists and reformists. Socialism did not look out of any "windows of imperialism" 6 .

Thus, in his brochure “I am Russian by blood and spirit,” G. Zyuganov writes: “I’ll clarify that the command-administrative system at one time was an objective need for the life of the country. Threats from outside, an extremely limited range of available resources, the need to mobilize all forces required a tough strong-willed approach "Of course, a lot of mistakes and stupidities were made, and sometimes even just crimes. Nevertheless, history has proved that that mechanism, that system, that system, that economy, that way of life, that cultural type that were then formed, turned out to be the most resilient on the planet" 7 .

Of course, it is impossible for the ideologists of modern Russian communism to completely renounce their own historical past, because this is fraught with the loss of a certain, very significant part of the traditionally thinking electorate, nevertheless, significant adjustments have to be made. Although this is not new. It is worth recalling the first perestroika attempts by M.S. Gorbachev to rely on "pure" Leninism without Stalinist excesses or even earlier - the famous article 8 Yu.V. Andropov "Marxism and some questions of socialist construction in the USSR".

The point is apparently not in adherence to traditions, but in the initial conceptual settings of the communist ideology. But at the same time there is one significant "but". If the theorists of Marxism considered (and not without reason) private property to be the initial prerequisite for the emergence of property and social stratification, then today's Russian communists are already non-communists in the Leninist sense (because they do not recognize the dictatorship of the proletariat and the need to eliminate private ownership of the means of production).

Thus, in the Draft of the main directions of the economic program of the people's patriotic forces "The Way of Creation" (1999) it is proclaimed: "Our program provides for a multistructural economy in accordance with the objective diversity of forms of economic activity. We are for the rational combination of the state, corporate, collective and private sectors of the economy " 9 .

In general, an analysis of the evolution of the economic platform of the Communist Party shows that it is in many respects close to the economic programs of the Social Democrats: a strong regulatory role of the state, limiting the role of the Central Bank, very cautious privatization, an absolute ban on the private circulation of agricultural land.

Indeed, there are many aspects in the program guidelines of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation that have something in common with the conceptual guidelines of modern social democracy. He is one of the most prominent leaders of social democracy, the chairman of the Socialist International, Willy Brandt, voiced the value orientations of social democracy in this way: “Rational political activity includes the correct definition of priorities ... I asked myself: what, besides peace, is most important for me? And he answered: freedom.

I defined it as freedom of conscience and opinion, freedom from want and fear. Without bread and with a secret police, there can be no democracy. Without pluralism and with claims to a monopoly - too. I added to this: to prescribe happiness is to strangle freedom” 10 .

Thus, in the most generalized form, one can single out the most fundamental characteristics of social democracy as a political ideology:

in the social sphere - harmonization of the interests of social groups and classes of society;

in the economic sphere - a socially oriented economy with significant regulatory functions of the state;

in the political - “to the right” of the left “to the left” of the right, in other words: political pluralism with a rejection of extremes, both conservatism and radicalism;

in humanitarian law - the indisputable priority of universal human values with further improvement of the legal regulators of civil society.

It cannot be denied that the social bloc has always been quite strong in the election documents of the Communist Party. In the draft economic program (1999), it is stated quite clearly and clearly: "The ultimate goal of our policy is to ensure a high level and quality of life for the population, the rise of people's well-being. Our principle, practically worked out in a number of constituent entities of the Russian Federation: healthy - work, weak - care" 11 .

Politically, the Communists play well on the rather serious disappointment of people with the costs of market reformism. And the point here is not even the completely natural dissatisfaction of people with their social status and financial situation: there is every reason to believe that the most painful point of social well-being is currently

hurt sense of justice. As evidenced by research by the Russian Independent Institute for Social and Ethnic Problems, the dominant psycho-emotional mood of Russians at the end of 1995 was a sense of shame and a sense of the injustice of everything that was happening 12 . Moreover, this problem is not only felt by the Russians, but is quite clearly realized by them. Thus, according to a study conducted by the ISPI RAS in early 1995, respondents, answering a question about ideas that could form the basis of the policy of reviving Russia, put the idea of justice in the first place (44%), followed by human rights - 37% and order

is a system of views, ideas, ideas expressing the interests of a particular society or social community.

Political ideology focuses on political ideas, theories, interests. It represents a certain concept of comprehension and interpretation of political life from the point of view of the interests and goals of a certain political elite.

Ideology can be represented as a form of corporate consciousness, as an ideological doctrine that justifies the claims of a particular group of people to power.

Each ideology has its own point of view on the course of the political and socio-economic development of society, its own methods and means of solving the problems facing society. Therefore, the main function of political ideology is the mastery of public consciousness. K. Marx believed that when ideas take possession of the masses, they become a material force.

Political ideology is characterized by the following:

expression and protection of the interests of a certain social community (group, class, nation);
introduction into the public consciousness of their criteria for evaluating political events, political history;
integration (unification) of people on the basis of common assessments, value orientations, political ideas;
organization and regulation of people's behavior on the basis of general ideological norms and values;
substantiation of the motives of political behavior and mobilization of social communities for the implementation of the tasks set;
legitimization of power: rational substantiation (justification) of the activities of the ruling elite.

It should be noted that ideology is the spiritual tool of the elites. It is the elites who develop (update) and introduce political ideology into broad social strata, trying to win over to their side the maximum number of adherents of their ideas. Naturally, these elites primarily pursue their own personal goals and interests.

There are three main levels of functioning of political ideology:

theoretical and conceptual, on which the main provisions are formed and the ideals and values of a certain class, nation, social community are substantiated;
program-political, on which socio-philosophical principles and ideals are translated into the language of programs and slogans, a normative basis is formed for making managerial decisions and political behavior of citizens;
updated, which characterizes the level of development by citizens of ideas, goals, principles of a particular ideology. At this level, the degree of influence of ideology on the practical activities of people is determined.

The main types of political ideology

There is no established classification of political ideology. The reason for this provision is the complexity of the phenomenon under consideration. It is necessary to understand the signs by which well-known types of political ideology are distinguished.

The struggle of ideas on questions of the development of society is an ancient phenomenon. However, only from the 17th century. political and ideological currents began to take shape in various organizations and teachings, actively opposing each other. One of the earliest such teachings is traditionalism. This is a religiously-monarchist protective doctrine presented by J. Bossuet ("Politics extracted from the Holy Scriptures") and other political authors. This direction of political thought gave in the XVIII century. the beginning of the political ideology of conservatism, which became a response to the ideology of liberalism, which expressed the ideas of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.

Thus, traditionalism (subsequently - conservatism) and liberalism, as varieties of theoretical models of the structure of society, were divided in accordance with the assessment the role of the state in the political system of society. This is the first basis for the division of political ideologies. One direction in its various modifications defends the idea of preserving ("preserving") the traditionally leading, even overwhelming role of the state in public life. The second direction, starting from the era of bourgeois revolutions, promotes reformism, changing the functions of the state, weakening to some extent its role in managing political processes.

Historically, the names “right” and “left” were attached to these areas of political thought: during the French Revolution, at the meetings of the National Assembly in 1789, deputies sat on the left or the speaker - supporters of changes in the social structure in the direction of freedom and equality, on the right - opponents of change who sought to preserve monarchical and noble privileges.

Reformism already in the XVIII century. divided into radical and moderate movements. This is the second base of division the depth of the proposed changes. Radical political ideologies include anarchism, preaching the immediate destruction of the state as a governing body of society, and Marxism, advocating the gradual complete withering away of the state. Moderate political ideologies include liberalism, social democracy and their modifications.

Over the past centuries, the ideas of strengthening statehood took shape in such subspecies of conservatism as monarchism, clericalism, nationalism, racism (including fascism), etc.

The main ideas of some political ideologies are as follows.

Liberalism

Became historically the first political ideology, the founders of which were J. Locke and A. Smith. Their ideas substantiated the process of becoming an independent individual - a representative of the emerging bourgeoisie. The economically active, but politically disenfranchised bourgeoisie expressed its claims to power in the liberal doctrine.

The basic values of the liberal ideology are the sacredness and inalienability of the natural rights and freedoms of the individual (the right to life, liberty and private property), their priority over the interests of society and the state. Individualism was the main social and economic principle. In the social sphere, this principle was embodied in the affirmation of the absolute value of the human personality and the equality of all people, the recognition of the inalienability of human rights to life. In the economic sphere, the idea of a free market of unrestricted competition was propagated. In the political sphere, a call was formulated to recognize the rights of all individuals and groups to manage social processes, to implement the separation of powers, the idea of a rule of law state with limited opportunities to interfere in society.

Conservatism

The basic values are order, stability and traditionalism. These values stem from political theory, according to which society and the state are the result of natural evolution, and not the contract and association of citizens, as liberalism believes. The logic of progress is given from above, so there is no need to interfere in the course of historical development. The principles of private property, the market and free enterprise are the natural result of the development of society. The political ideals of conservatism are a strong state, a clear political stratification, when power belongs to the elite, and freedom is the conscious loyalty of citizens and groups.

Communism

Communism as an ideology was formed on the basis of Marxism. In contrast to the prevailing in the XIX century. To liberalism, Marxism formulated the doctrine of building a just society, in which the exploitation of man by man will be put an end to and all types of social alienation of man will be overcome: from power, property and the results of labor. Such a society was called communist. Marxism became the worldview of the proletariat, which emerged as a result of the industrial revolution that took place.

The core values are as follows:

public ownership of the means of production of material goods;
a class approach to the regulation of social relations (the main goal is to protect the interests of the poor in the course of the class struggle for the eradication of private ownership of the means of production; the proletarian revolution is the way to achieve this goal);
the upbringing of a new person who despised material gain, oriented towards moral incentives for work;
concern for public interests in exchange for individualism, work for the common good (“who does not work, does not eat”);
the ideal of equality and the principle of egalitarianism, i.e. "equality of results" versus "equality of opportunity" in liberalism;
the communist party as the main mechanism for integrating elements of the social structure (for the full implementation of this function, the party must grow together with the state, which under its leadership will gradually be replaced by a system of public self-government).

socialist democracy

social democracy has become today the political doctrine of the centrist forces. His ideas originated as a "left" ideology, as one of the currents within Marxism. The foundations of social democracy were formed at the end of the 19th century. and went down in history as social reformism. Their acknowledged founder is the German political philosopher E. Bernstein. In the book “Problems of Socialism and the Tasks of Social Democracy” and other works, he rejected many provisions of Marxism: the exacerbation of the contradictions of bourgeois society, the need for revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat as the only path to socialism, etc. In his opinion, the new situation in Western Europe makes it possible to achieve the establishment of socialism through non-violent democratic pressure on the political and economic positions of the bourgeoisie, the implementation of structural reforms in all spheres of public life, the development of various forms of cooperation. Many of these ideas have entered the political doctrine of modern social democracy. This doctrine was formulated in the concept of democratic socialism. The following ideals are proclaimed as the main values: freedom; justice; solidarity. The Social Democrats are convinced that democratic principles must be extended to all spheres: the economy must be pluralistic; the opportunity to work and get an education should be provided to everyone; etc.

Nationalism

Consider nationalism. Often this concept is perceived negatively, which, in essence, is not entirely true. We can talk about the existence of two types of nationalism: creative and destructive. In the first case, it contributes to the rallying of the nation; in the second, it is directed against other peoples and poses a threat not only to foreign, but also to one's own society, turning nationality into a supreme and absolute value to which all life is subject.

It is generally accepted that ethnic origin is the most common characteristic that unites a nation. If people talk about themselves as Yakuts, Russians, Jews, etc., then they are referring to an ethnic group, but when they call themselves Russians, they include a political component in this concept - citizenship. The USA, Russia or Switzerland, for example, include several ethnic groups. Conversely, people belonging to the same ethnic group can live in different countries. The Germans live in Germany, Liechtenstein, while the Austrians and Swiss have German origin. A nation is a set of different ethnic groups that closely interact, unite within the borders of a given country and identify themselves with it.

In the ideology of nationalism, the idea of an ethnos merges with the idea of a country for this ethnos. On this basis, movements arise that insistently demand the alignment of political boundaries with ethnic boundaries. Nationalism can accept the presence of "non-nationals" in the name of the nation, or advocate their assimilation, expulsion, even destruction. Most researchers insist on the pathological nature of nationalism, its fear of the foreign and therefore hatred of it, on the proximity to racism and chauvinism. Thus, nationalism is turning into one of the most dangerous modern ideologies.

Fascism

Unlike liberalism, conservatism and communism, which protect the interests of certain social groups, fascism is based on the idea of racial superiority and calls for the integration of the population around the goals of national revival.

Fascism (from Italian fascio - bunch, bunch) is an ideology that promotes chauvinistic nationalism, complemented by racism and anti-Semitism. Some researchers consider fascism to be a single phenomenon, others proceed from the fact that each country developed its own, specific fascism. Classic examples are Italian fascism and German National Socialism (Nazism). The Nazis were not only extreme nationalists, but above all radical statesmen. For fascist theorists, it is the state headed by the leader that is the embodiment of group consciousness.

The historical forms of fascism were brought to life by the deep economic crisis of the late 1920s. 20th century Under these conditions, classical liberal values ceased to be the main motives of human activity and factors of social integration. The processes of impoverishment of the population, the destruction of the former social structure and the emergence of significant marginal and lumpen groups depreciated the liberal ideals of a free individual. In such a situation, the values of national revival and unity played an inspiring role. They became especially relevant for Germany, since the national self-consciousness of its population was most of all humiliated by the defeat in the First World War of 1914-1918. The German model of fascism was characterized by a high level of totalitarian organization and outright racism. Despite the defeat of Germany in 1945 and the prohibition of this ideology, fascism re-emerges from time to time in the form of neo-fascist parties. Economic difficulties, ethnic conflicts and other crisis phenomena provoke neo-fascist manifestations.

Anarchism

Anarchism occupies positions in many respects opposite to fascism in relation to the state. Anarchism (Greek anarchia - anarchy, anarchy) is:

an ideology that proclaims its highest goal to achieve equality and freedom through the abolition of any forms and institutions of power with their coercive nature in favor of associations based on voluntary cooperation between individuals and groups;
any ideas directed against the state, as well as the practice corresponding to them.

A number of anarchist ideas appeared in ancient times. But the developed theoretical system of anarchism was created by the English writer W. Godwin, who put forward in his "Study on Political Justice" (1793) the concept of a society without a state. The development of the economic basis of anarchism and the inclusion of this concept in scientific circulation were carried out by the German thinker M. Stirner (“The Only One and His Property”, 1845). He proposed a selfish version of economic anarchism (the "alliance of egoists"), consisting in mutual respect and in the exchange of goods between independent producers.

Russian thinkers made a great contribution to the development of anarchist doctrine. M. A. Bakunin defended (“Statehood and Anarchy”, 1873) the idea of the revolutionary destruction of the state and the creation of a free federation of peasant and proletarian communities that collectively own the tools of labor (the collectivist version of anarchism). P. A. Kropotkin, on the basis of the biosocial laws of mutual assistance formulated by him, called (“Mutual Assistance as a Factor of Evolution”, 1907; “Modern Science and Anarchy”, 1920) to go over to a federation of free communes by destroying private property and the state (the communist version of anarchism) .

Modern forms of anarchism are very diverse. Today in the literature one can find references to ecological, countercultural, ethno-national anarchism, etc. The anti-globalization movement (one of the ideologists is the Italian T. Negri) has a clear neo-anarchist potential.

The role of ideology in politics

Ideology in politics is called upon to substantiate the interests and values of certain social strata, classes, ethnic groups, concessions. Each ideology seeks to prove the legitimacy of its views, ideas, values and the failure of others. Thus, V. I. Lenin introduced the category of "scientific ideology". He believed that pre-Marxist ideologies contained only scientific elements, but only Marxism can be considered a scientific ideology.

Political ideology is developed and substantiated by representatives of political elites for distribution among the population. And the more people become adherents of this or that ideology, the more chances this elite has to win political power.

Political ideology is able to unite large groups of people to achieve certain goals. It gives meaning and direction to social movement. At the same time, it is important that the main provisions of this idea express the interests of these people. Fascism in Germany in the 1930s 20th century acquired a mass character, because in his speeches Hitler touched upon the most pressing problems of the German people and promised to solve them in the near future. The Bolsheviks promised the war-torn, famine-stricken, and devastated people that “the current generation will live under communism,” and many believed these populist promises. Fooled by the communist ideology, the people themselves contributed to the coming to power of political adventurers (Bolsheviks).

Political ideology can unite and divide people, make them allies or enemies, warriors or pacifists. Therefore, ideology is a powerful weapon in the political struggle.

The absence of a dominant ideology in the country, in society, capable of uniting and mobilizing people to achieve social goals, makes society and the state an amorphous entity, where everyone pursues their personal or group goals and interests, rejecting social responsibility for the future of the country.

During the struggle against the totalitarian communist ideology in Russia (late 80s - early 90s of the 20th century), a course was taken to de-ideologize the country. In Art. 13 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation stipulates that no ideology can be established as a state ideology. At the legislative level, this article should promote ideological pluralism. Politics is also a struggle of ideas, in which the most attractive (meeting the interests of the majority) ideology wins. Usually the ruling class is the bearer of the dominant ideology. In Russia, such a “class” is the United Russia party, which, in fact, does not have a sufficiently intelligible ideology that is attractive to the masses. Therefore, the real power of the "Ruling Class" is not supported by ideological power.

It is not at all necessary that the ideology be directed against someone. People can also be united by completely humanistic ideas of a national scale, for example, the ideas of the country's prosperity, the ideas of fighting poverty, the ideas of preserving the population, etc.

Political parties are an integral part of the political system of a modern democratic society. Etymologically, “party” means “part”, “separateness”, an element of the political system.

THE CONSIGNMENT is a political public organization that fights for power or for participation in the exercise of power. Political Party is an organization of like-minded people representing the interests of citizens, social groups and classes and aiming to implement them by conquering state power or participating in its implementation. The rivalry of political groups, united around influential families or popular leaders, has been a characteristic, essential feature of political history for many centuries. But such organizations, which we call political parties, arose in Europe and in the USA at the beginning of the 19th century.

There are many approaches to defining the essence of political parties: understanding a party as a group of people adhering to one ideological doctrine (B. Konstan.); interpretation of a political party as a spokesman for the interests of certain classes (Marxism); institutional understanding of a political party as an organization operating in the state system (M. Duverger).

Other approaches to the definition of parties: a party is the bearer of an ideology; a party is a long association of people; the purpose of the party is the conquest and exercise of power; The party seeks to enlist the support of the people.

Functions of political parties

Political parties in modern societies perform the following functions:

· representation - expression of interests of certain groups of the population;

socialization - involvement of a part of the population in the number of its members and supporters;

· ideological function - the development of an attractive political platform for a certain part of society;

participation in the struggle for power - the selection, promotion of political personnel and the provision of conditions for their activities;

· participation in the formation of political systems - their principles, elements, structures.

In modern political history, there are types of party systems: bourgeois democratic party system formed in Europe and North America in the 19th century. In its activities it is guided by the following rules: there is a legal struggle for power in society; power is exercised by a party or group of parties that have secured the support of a parliamentary majority; legal opposition constantly exists; there is agreement among the parties within the party system regarding the observance of these rules.

AT bourgeois system formed many types of party coalitions : multi-party coalition - none of the parties is able to achieve a competent majority ; bipartisan coalition - there are two strong parties, each of which is capable of independently exercising power; modified bipartisan coalition - not one of the two main parties collects an absolute majority and they are forced to cooperate with third parties; two-block coalition - two main blocs are fighting for power, and parties outside the blocs do not play a significant role; dominance coalition - one party exercises power independently for a long period; cooperative coalition - the most powerful parties cooperate for a long time and steadily in the exercise of power.

socialist party system there is only one legal party; the party leads the state at all levels of the state apparatus; the emergence of such a political system is associated with the crisis of democratic or authoritarian systems of government.

authoritarian party system this type of government is intermediate, while the dominant factor is the state, and not the party, which plays a secondary role in the process of exercising power. The existence of other parties is also allowed.

This classification experience is based precisely on what the parties say, as opposed to what they actually do. In the world of modern Russian politics, nothing is called by its proper name: the political views declared by the parties do not correspond to their names, the actions of the parties do not correspond to their political views, and the views themselves do not say anything about the interests of those who demonstrate them.

CPRF

Communist Party of the Russian Federation (01.05.2009)

According to program documents, the party continues the work of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and, based on the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, has as its goal the construction of socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, stands for genuine democracy in the form of Soviets, the strengthening of a federal multinational state, is the party of patriots, internationalists, the party of friendship of peoples, upholding communist ideals, defending the interests of the working class, the peasantry, the intelligentsia, and all working people.

A significant place in the program documents and works of the party leaders is occupied by the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people with its thousand-year history, with its qualities - "catholicity and sovereignty, deep faith, indestructible altruism and a resolute rejection of the mercantile lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise", "Russian question".

The ideological basis for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Marxism-Leninism and its creative development.

Party structure

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation builds its work on the basis of the program and charter. The party, all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the federal law "On Public Associations" and other laws of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a legal entity from the moment of state registration and carries out its activities in accordance with its statutory goals throughout the entire territory of the Russian Federation.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation creates its own regional, local and primary party organizations throughout the Russian Federation. The location of the permanent governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Moscow.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is a left-wing political party in the Russian Federation, the most massive of the communist parties in Russia.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the II Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) as the restored Communist Party of the RSFSR. The CP RSFSR, in turn, was created in June 1990 as an association of members of the CPSU in the RSFSR. Its activities were suspended by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991 N 79 "On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR", and then terminated by Presidential Decree of November 6, 1991 N 169, the possibility of its restoration in its previous form was excluded by the Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation N 9-P dated November 30, 1992.

In August 1996, the secretary of the Central Committee of the RKRP, V. Tyulkin, sent an open letter to Zyuganov, in which he wrote: “Knowing the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, taking into account the latest

actions of your party, recognizing the right of your organization to its special place in today's political system, at the same time I ask you to consider removing the word "communist" from the name of your party, so as not to discredit the theory itself and not mislead working people. The appeal is completely rhetorical, but some formulations are successful.The Communist Party of the Russian Federation really has little in common with the communist ideology now and occupies its special place in today's political system - on the left flank of the ruling party.

I must say that this place went to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation somewhere in early 1995. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the form in which it exists today appeared relatively late - in early 1993, on the basis of several small communist parties and an asset of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR . In October 1993, she faced her first serious test, but she kept more or less face both in front of the government and (less) in front of the opposition, not taking part in the defense of the White House, but condemning the president's actions. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered the Duma in 1993 with good results. However, the parties and movements with which the Communist Party blocked at the end of 1993 had already drifted to the right by 1995, becoming petty satellites of the party in power, the future leader of the pro-government socialists, Ivan Rybkin, broke away from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation . The Liberal Democratic Party was guided by its own commercial interests. On the eve of the elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was forced to take a very cautious position in order not to give rise to a breakdown.

Zyuganov's presidential election campaign was notable for swinging from moderate anti-government rhetoric to a de facto pro-government position (for example, on the issue of Chechnya). In 1995-1996, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation finally took shape as part of the party in power, "looking after" the communist part of the Russian electorate (this was especially pronounced between the two rounds of the 1996 presidential elections).

Positions that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation occupied in the Duma in 1995-1999: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation refused to consider the issue of private property and began to consider the coexistence of state, public and private property "in one bottle" possible. Now it only opposes private ownership of land, believing that land should remain public property. But "it can be transferred to public, farmer and peasant farms for permanent, eternal, inheritable and leased possession and use. Only homestead and summer cottage plots of land can be transferred to private ownership."

After the transfer of power to a government of people's trust, private property will be preserved so that the "economy develops" ("... Being followers of Ilyich, ... we stand for a multistructural economy." G. Zyuganov), but at the same time, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is going to somehow "to establish self-management and control of labor collectives over production and distribution" under conditions of private property. In matters of state policy, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation takes a moderate national-patriotic position, putting forward as its main slogan "great power, democracy, equality, spirituality and justice." While advocating for the observance of rights and freedoms and the restriction of the president's powers by parliament, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, nevertheless, advocates "restoring order and tough actions in Chechnya (by renouncing the notorious right of nations to self-determination).

Thus, in general, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can be called social-democratic with a significant leftist bias. Its main goal in the political struggle is to maintain its broad representation in parliament and (sometimes) to lobby for the interests of pro-communist businessmen. The main electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - residents of small towns and rural areas, mostly pensioners and young people who vote not for the program, but for the name. As sociologists say, "the electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the least susceptible to PR manipulations, since they do not vote for Zyuganov or against Putin, but for communism, for the name "communist party." , namely, their votes determined the results, for example, of the second round of the presidential elections in 1996. In the regional elections of 1996, 14 governors nominated by the NPSR passed, but this victory was achieved at the expense of the regions traditionally voting for the "left."

The failure in the 2003 elections showed that the party urgently needs to change its election platform and program, since the old slogans, even somewhat democratized, no longer find a response in Russian society. There are fewer and fewer people who vote not for a leader or a program, but for the word “communist”.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has no popular leaders on a regional scale. Some business executives from the Communist Party moved to the right within the ruling party, for example, Luzhkov's right hand V. Shantsev.

The electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will most likely continue to decrease over the next four years, but among the supporters from among officials and managers, as well as in the apparatus of the party itself, stratification will most likely deepen: the bulk will remain in the bosom of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the most influential (about one tenth) will "leave" to the right (not very far), and the radical left (also about one tenth) will go over to the extreme left (the party of Tyulkin, etc.). Thus, in the 2007 elections, the leadership should expect an even lower result.

The process of enlargement of various associations caused by the Law "On Political Parties" can finally fulfill the long-standing dream of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and put an end to the multi-party system among Russian communists. From the very moment this law was approved, it was obvious that the existing communist associations of the CPSU (b), the RCP-CPSU and the RCWP would in no way be able to recruit the required number of members and regional branches. However, the amendments to the Law "On Basic Guarantees of Citizens' Electoral Rights", developed by the Central Election Commission and submitted to the State Duma by the president in August, will put the last point in the history of the existence of small communist parties.

The party press is the Pravda newspaper, more than 30 regional publications, the internal Bulletin of Organizational-Party and Personnel Work. Previously, the weekly Pravda Rossii and the magazine Political Education were published, and Radio Resonance was friendly.

The largest friendly newspaper is "Soviet Russia", until 2004 the newspaper "Zavtra" was friendly. In the most popular print media, on TV and the main radio stations, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has been sparingly represented since its foundation, although not without hesitation. History textbooks and most media do not mention, for example, the abolition by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of a number of provisions of B. N. Yeltsin’s decree on the ban on the Communist Party of the RSFSR, a lawsuit on election fraud in 2003, active party building (during the last 4-5 years in The Communist Party joins annually 10-15 thousand young people).

Finances of the Communist Party

According to the financial report of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, submitted to the CEC, in 2006 the party received in the form of funds for the implementation of statutory activities: 127,453,237 rubles. Of them:

29% - came from membership fees

30% - federal budget funds

6% - donations

35% - other income

In 2006, the party spent 116,823,489 rubles. Of them:

21% - for promotional activities (information, advertising, publishing, printing)

7% - preparation and holding of elections and a referendum

Biography of the leader

Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov was born. June 26, 1944, in a teacher's family in the village of Mymrino (about 100 km from Orel). Father, Andrei Mikhailovich Zyuganov (d. 1990), was an artillery crew commander, after the war he taught most subjects at the Mymrinskaya secondary school, including the basics of agriculture, excluding foreign and Russian languages and literature. Mother - Marfa Petrovna, born in 1915 - taught in the elementary grades of the Mymrinskaya school.

After graduating with a silver medal from the Mymrinsk secondary school of the Khotynets district of the Oryol region in 1961, he worked as a teacher there for a year. In 1962 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, from which he graduated with honors in 1969. In 1963-1966. served in the Soviet army in the radiation-chemical reconnaissance of a group of Soviet troops in Germany (currently a reserve colonel). He taught physics and mathematics at the university. At the same time he was engaged in trade union, Komsomol, party work. In 1966 he joined the CPSU. Since 1967, he was engaged in Komsomol work, worked in elected positions at the district, city and regional levels.

After graduating from the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, he taught there from 1969 to 1970. From 1972 to 1974 he worked as the first secretary of the Oryol regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1974-1983 he was secretary of the district committee, second secretary of the Oryol city committee of the CPSU, then head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Oryol regional committee of the CPSU. At the same time in 73-77 years. was a deputy of the Oryol City Council, from 80 to 83 - a deputy of the Oryol Regional Council of Deputies. From 1978 to 1980 he studied at the main department of the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, completed postgraduate studies with it as an external student. In 1980 he defended his PhD thesis.

In 1983-1989 Zyuganov worked in the department of agitation and propaganda of the Central Committee of the CPSU as an instructor, head of the sector. In 1989-1990 he was deputy head of the ideological department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Delegate of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (June 1990) and, accordingly, as a representative of the RSFSR - the Constituent Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (June-September 1990).

After the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR in June 1990, at the 1st founding congress, he was elected a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, chairman of the permanent Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR on humanitarian and ideological problems, and in September 1990 - secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.

In July 1991, together with a number of well-known state, political and public figures, he signed the appeal “Word to the people”. In August 1991, he was nominated as a candidate for the election of the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but withdrew his candidacy in favor of V. A. Kuptsov due to his lack of experience in parliamentary work.

In December 1991, he was co-opted to the coordinating council of the Russian People's Union. Then he was elected a member of the coordinating council of the Fatherland movement. On June 12-13, 1992, he participated in the 1st Council (Congress) of the Russian National Cathedral (RNS), became a member of the Presidium of the Cathedral.

In October 1992, he joined the organizing committee of the National Salvation Front (FNS). At the II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CP RSFSR) on February 13-14, 1993, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the party, and at the first organizational plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - chairman of the Central Executive Committee.

On July 25-26, 1993, he took part in the II Congress of the National Salvation Front in Moscow. From 20:00 on September 21, 1993 - after Boris Yeltsin's speech announcing the dissolution of parliament - he was in the House of Soviets, spoke at rallies. On October 3, he spoke on the air of the All-Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company, urging the population of Moscow to refrain from participating in rallies and clashes with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

December 12, 1993 was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

In April-May 1994, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the "Consent in the name of Russia" movement. On January 21-22, 1995, at the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he became chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. On December 17, 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

On March 4, 1996, he was registered as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. June 16, 1996 presidential elections were held. Gennady Zyuganov's candidacy was supported by 31.96 percent of voters who took part in the voting. On July 3, 1996, during the voting in the second round of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, 40.41% of voters voted for Zyuganov's candidacy. In August 1996, he was elected chairman of the coordinating council of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, which included parties and movements that supported G. A. Zyuganov in the presidential elections.

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

In 2000, in the presidential elections in Russia, he received 29.21% of the vote. In January 2001, at the plenum of the Council of the UCP-CPSU, he was elected chairman of the council of the Union of Communist Parties.

In 2003 he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation, in 2007 - a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation.

Zyuganov missed the presidential elections in 2004, where the party was represented by Nikolai Kharitonov, and took part in the 2008 elections, taking second place after Dmitry Medvedev (according to official data, more than 13 million votes, or 17.7% of those who took part in the elections).

Author of a series of monographs. He defended his doctoral thesis in philosophy on the topic "Main trends and the mechanism of socio-political changes in modern Russia." In 1996-2004 he headed the People's Patriotic Union of Russia. Since 2001 he has been the head of the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

CONCLUSION

During the first few years of the new millennium, Russia managed to make significant progress along the path of forming a party system. A multi-party system has existed in our country since the early 1990s, but the party system is still in its infancy.

The parties are constantly developing, they are conducting a political struggle among themselves, they are developing, uniting and developing joint positions. To increase influence on state structures and to nominate their representatives to power structures.

The formation of a multi-party system in the country is difficult and contradictory. It is still far from the civilized framework dreamed of by connoisseurs and zealots of Western democracy. Most often it happens that parties appear, register, sometimes even disappear, but no one knows who is behind them, who supports them. And this is the main misfortune of many groupings that claim the right to be called parties.

But one thing is clear - the revival of Russia requires not just the interaction of parties, but also the interaction of simple political forces. They must cooperate with each other on reasonable terms.

LITERATURE

1. Reshetnev, S.A. To the question of the classification of political parties in Russia [text] / S.A. Reshetnev // Businessman power. - 2004. - No. 3. - S. 2-4

3. http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9A%D0%9F%D0%A0%D0%A4

4. Dugin A. Left project // Rossiyskaya Gazeta. - 2003. - March 26.5. Sumbatyan Yu. G. Political regimes in the modern world: a comparative analysis. Teaching aid. - M., 1999.

FEDERAL AGENCY FOR EDUCATION

STATE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION

HIGHER PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION

"MOSCOW AVIATION INSTITUTE"

(STATE TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY)

"MAI"

UNIVERSITY OF THE FOREIGN LANGUAGES

Department I-04

"Public Relations and Mass Communications"

ESSAY

"POLITICAL PARTY OF THE CPRF"

Student group 104

Pavlova O.N.

checked

assistant Evsyukov I.S.

Introduction 3

Functions of political parties 4

KPRF 5

Ideology 5

Party structure 5

Party and Media 8

Finances of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation 8

Leader biography 9

CONCLUSION 11

LITERATURE 12

Introduction

Political parties are an integral part of the political system of a modern democratic society. Etymologically, “party” means “part”, “separateness”, an element of the political system.

Functions of political parties

Political parties in modern societies perform the following functions:

representation - expression of interests of certain groups of the population;

socialization - the involvement of a part of the population in the number of its members and supporters;

ideological function - the development of an attractive political platform for a certain part of society;

participation in the struggle for power - the selection, promotion of political personnel and the provision of conditions for their activities;

participation in the formation of political systems - their principles, elements, structures.

AT bourgeois system formed many types of party coalitions : multi-party coalition - none of the parties is able to achieve a competent majority ; bipartisan coalition - there are two strong parties, each of which is capable of independently exercising power; modified bipartisan coalition - not one of the two main parties collects an absolute majority and they are forced to cooperate with third parties; two-block coalition - two main blocs are fighting for power, and parties outside the blocs do not play a significant role; dominance coalition - one party exercises power independently for a long period; cooperative coalition - the most powerful parties cooperate for a long time and steadily in the exercise of power.

CPRF

Ideology

Communist Party of the Russian Federation (01.05.2009)

The ideological basis for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Marxism-Leninism and its creative development.

Party structure

Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is a left-wing political party in the Russian Federation, the most massive of the communist parties in Russia.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the II Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) as the restored Communist Party of the RSFSR. The CP RSFSR, in turn, was created in June 1990 as an association of members of the CPSU in the RSFSR. Its activities were suspended by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991 N 79 “On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR”, and then terminated by Presidential Decree of November 6, 1991 N 169, the possibility of its restoration in its previous form was excluded by the Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation N 9- P dated November 30, 1992.

Party and media

Finances of the Communist Party

29% - came from membership fees

30% - federal budget funds

6% - donations

35% - other income

In 2006, the party spent 116,823,489 rubles. Of them:

21% - for promotional activities (information, advertising, publishing, printing)

7% - preparation and holding of elections and a referendum

Biography of the leader

December 12, 1993 was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.

In 2003 he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation, in 2007 - a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation.

CONCLUSION

LITERATURE

Reshetnev, S.A. To the question of the classification of political parties in Russia [text] / S.A. Reshetnev // Businessman power. - 2004. - No. 3. - S. 2-4

http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9A%D0%9F%D0%A0%D0%A4

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