DIPLOMACY OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Traditional Chinese diplomacy

Comprehension of the modern foreign policy mechanism of the PRC, as well as the understanding by the Chinese of their place in the world today is impossible without a retrospective analysis of the history of China's international politics. The fact is that the civilizational features of China left an imprint on its relations with distant and close neighbors, which differed from the practice of relations of "nation-states" in Europe.

Chinese diplomacy boasts a rich historical tradition dating back more than one millennium. Diplomatic art in China originated much earlier than in European countries (diplomacy of ancient Rome, Greece, Egypt and a number of other countries is not taken here). Among the characters in Chinese history, diplomats have traditionally occupied no less honorable place than heroic commanders or prominent figures of ancient Chinese culture. In the history of China's political thought, diplomacy was viewed as part of the political culture of society, as one of the most important tools for protecting the interests of the state.

One of the tenets of Chinese diplomacy "use antiquity for modernity" did not arise by chance. If "nationalism" in its European forms is based on the uniqueness and unconditional value of its own national cultures, then Chinese "nationalism" is based on the belief in cultural superiority and the universal applicability of traditional values ​​in China. The superiority of the Chinese nation and Chinese culture over other peoples and cultures formed the basis of the Chinese-centric dogma of the foreign policy of the Chinese empires.

The period of formation of the ideological and theoretical foundations of traditional Chinese diplomacy dates back to ancient times: to the VIII-III centuries. BC. With the creation of a unified empire two and a half thousand years ago, China-centrism becomes the ideological foundation for any foreign policy doctrine. The Chinese emperor - "the son of Heaven" - began to appear as the only organizer of the world order on earth, acted as the supreme ruler with a "heavenly mandate" to rule not only China, but the entire Celestial Empire, that is, the earthly circle known to the ancient Chinese at that time ...

It was during the V-III centuries. BC. foreign policy doctrines, methods of state contacts, in particular "alliances with distant kingdoms against a nearby kingdom", bribery of the administration, deception, blackmail, and the like, are created and perfected, which will later enter the arsenal of diplomatic means of imperial China *.

* Perelomov L.S. Confucianism and Legism in the Political History of China. M, 1981.S. 135.

Confucianism carried the idea of ​​China's messianic hegemonism in relation to the "barbarians". The categories of Confucianism, in particular, "philanthropy" did not apply to "barbarians", towards whom, due to their "ethnic inferiority", one could be less picky in means and methods and even "treat them like wild animals and birds." The implication was that under the influence of the Chinese civilization, "those living among the wormwood" should have reached the "Chinese" level of development. As long as these "candidates" for the Chinese "remain foreigners", they must be "pacified" by military force.

The idea of ​​the superiority of the civilization of the Middle State over the whole world has left a special imprint on Chinese diplomacy. The practice of relations between the "middle empire" and the "barbarians of the four sides" finally developed into the classic "tributary system of vassalage" by the Sui and Tang era (VI-X centuries). This era was considered the "golden age" of Chinese civilization. And later, all states that entered into diplomatic relations, for example, with the Qing Empire (1644-1911), were regarded as tributaries, not being equal partners of China in international communication.

Even the reception of foreign ambassadors at the court of Chinese rulers was supposed to testify to the "vassal" dependence of all countries and peoples on the Chinese emperors. The main part of the diplomatic protocol was the "koutou" * ceremony - "kneel down three times and bow to the ground nine times," and sometimes not even to the emperor himself, but in front of a tablet with his name. The one who performed these obeisances and other procedures, thereby recognized himself and his state as a "tributary" of the Chinese monarch. Foreign representatives who refused to comply with these procedures were not accepted at court, and their missions in China, as a rule, were unsuccessful. Thus, the first official embassy mission of Russia in China under the leadership of F.I. Baykov in 1656 ended in failure precisely because Baykov refused to give the letter of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich and gifts sent with him to anyone other than the emperor, and to perform the rite of "koutou ". Subsequently, Russian ambassadors began to perform the Chinese protocol ceremonial and were received by the emperor.

* Myasnikov B.C. Approved by treaty articles. Khabarovsk-M., 1997.S. 84.

Historical precedents played a significant role in the ideological underpinning of foreign policy. Dynastic chronicles, numerous historical writings over the millennia carefully systematized the entire accumulated experience of diplomacy, made it available to descendants. In many cases, the "legitimacy" of diplomatic and military measures was justified by references to precedents from "historical registers", sometimes determined many centuries ago. Following traditional historiography, Chinese diplomacy has examined the relationship with this or that neighbor, sometimes for a thousand or more years, looking for the precedents it needs.

In Chinese diplomacy, great importance was attached to preliminary calculations for the implementation of military and political actions: "If the methods of management are based on preliminary calculations, then regardless of whether there is a gifted military leader or a military leader who is inferior to the enemy, victory is assured." Sun Tzu, the largest military thinker of ancient China, made a significant contribution to the development of the foundations of Chinese diplomacy. He considered the right timing, the ability to concentrate the appropriate forces on the main thing, the unanimity of the performers, caution, and the leader's ability to act independently * as the key to the successful implementation of preliminary calculations.

* Myasnikov B.C. A brief outline of the history of China's diplomacy (60s - early 80s). M., 1988.S. 28.

But the main thing that Sun Tzu gave to Chinese diplomacy was the requirement to clothe the preliminary calculation in the form of a strategic plan, moreover, a plan that would contain some kind of trap or cunning for the enemy. The importance of this requirement can hardly be underestimated. Several centuries BC Chinese diplomacy began to develop strategic plans - stratagems, which became its main weapon throughout the further history of China.

Stratagem has been a traditional feature of Chinese diplomacy for centuries. A diplomatic stratagem is a plan aimed at solving a major foreign policy task, calculated for a long period and meeting the state or national interests of the country. This was reflected in such principles of foreign policy strategy as "i-i chji-i" - "to dominate the barbarians, using the barbarians themselves", "yuan-jiao shin-gun" - "to attract the distant, attack the neighbors" *. At the same time, the stratagem nature of Chinese diplomacy implies not only and not so much the momentary interests of the state, but its strategic, long-term interests.

* Myasnikov B.C. A brief outline of the history of China's diplomacy. P. 31.

In 1962, a famous Egyptian journalist visited China. He was received by Mao Zedong. After this meeting, the journalist said that he was not struck by the specific statements of Mao Zedong on various issues of China's foreign policy, although it was very interesting. He was amazed that the Chinese do not think in terms of one day, but in terms of eternity *. Ensuring the implementation of the stratagem, stratagem diplomacy draws its means and methods not from the principles, norms and customs of international law, but from the theory of military art, which asserts that the end justifies the means.

* From the personal archive.

It is curious that the perception and comprehension in China of the political practice of other states began to be carried out also through the prism of stratagem, that is, it was invariably understood as the result of certain designs and plans directed against China.

A certain reassessment of the values ​​of the traditional doctrine of "vassalage" took place only when for the first time in history the principle of China's gradual assimilation of "barbarians" who had come from Europe this time "did not work" and could no longer "work". The first breach in the "vassalage system" was made as a result of the "opium" wars in the 1840s and 1860s. However, a radical transition from traditional "tributary" relations to modern "contractual" relations did not take place. A trick of the Qing court was the establishment in Beijing in 1861 of the so-called "Chancellery for the General Administration of Affairs of Various Countries" - "Zongli Yamen", an incompetent and far from responsibility body. Only after the suppression of the "ihetuan" uprising (boxing uprising ") in 1901, instead of" Zongli yamyn ", a Ministry of Foreign Affairs was created on the European model. But the ideas of China-centrism were in no hurry to leave China's foreign policy.

An interesting characterization of the diplomatic practice of the Chinese Empire, which was given by the great revolutionary democrat Sun Yat-sen: “Chinese court and diplomatic etiquette is so subtle and sophisticated that a modification of one syllable is enough to turn a message addressed to a foreigner from a compliment to an offense. This is what efforts are directed towards in all relations with foreigners, and a very thorough knowledge of Chinese literature and culture is needed in order to be quite sure that this or that address to a foreigner did not give the Chinese diplomat the highest pleasure in knowing that he had offended some high-ranking foreigner without the knowledge of the latter. In this way, the Chinese official shows in the eyes of those around him his superiority and, on the contrary, how much lower he is "foreign devils" - yang guizi "*.

* Sun Yatsen. Selected works. 2nd ed. M., 1985.S. 76.

The rise of China's diplomacy

Modern Chinese diplomacy was formed long before the formation of the PRC in 1949, namely during the contacts of representatives of the Communist Party in the so-called liberated regions with the then ruling Kuomintang Party in China and with representatives of various states located in the capital of the liberated regions - the city of Yan'an, including representatives of the Soviet Union, the United States and some others.

Thus, by the time the People's Republic of China was created in 1949, the leaders of the new China already had some diplomatic experience. He, as it were, synthesized in himself not only diverse theoretical propositions, including antiquity, but also a fairly long-term political practice in the course of the revolutionary activities of the Communist Party of China in its foreign contacts both with the Soviet Union and with some Western countries, primarily with the United States. States.

With the formation of the PRC, the question of the personnel of specialists for diplomatic work arose extremely acutely. When recruiting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it was primarily attended by political workers of the People's Liberation Army of China, participants in the civil war - Han Nian-long, Wang Yuping and a number of others. Another group consisted of propaganda workers, journalists - Qiao Guanhua, Huang Hua.

Almost immediately after the proclamation of the PRC, the Peking People's University was created. Under him, a diplomatic faculty was opened, which was transformed in 1955 into the Beijing Diplomatic Institute. Among the main disciplines taught to future diplomats was a course of lectures on the history of Chinese diplomacy, prepared by a team of teachers from the Department of International Relations. A group of Soviet students who studied in 1954-1956. in these educational institutions, the lectures were translated into Russian. The course of lectures was the first attempt to give a systematized outline of the history of China's foreign relations, its diplomacy in modern and contemporary times. With regard to the history of the country, students were explained that the most important form of China's international relations was its relationship as the "supreme ruler of the world", as "the Celestial Empire" with its neighbors - "vassals." The period of the first half of the XIX - early XX century. characterized by the weakening of China, and as a consequence of this self-isolation of China from the outside world. Historically, China at that time was presented to the students as an injured party, as an object of the predatory policy of the imperialist powers. At the same time, the aggressive nature of the foreign policy of the Chinese empires, especially the Manchu, Qing lshperia (1644-1911), was hushed up. In the course of study, the thesis was carried out, which, paraphrasing the well-known postulate of British diplomacy, sounded: “China has neither enemies nor friends. He has only his own interests. " When these lectures were republished in 1957, some editorial amendments were made to them.

It should be noted that famous Soviet international experts were invited to China to train teachers and students of the Beijing Diplomatic Institute (PDI): academician N. Inozemtsev, professors N. Sidorov, L. Kutakov and a number of others. It was a good period of cooperation between the two leading universities of the USSR and China (PDI and MGIMO), which trained diplomatic personnel for their countries.

If we talk about the current diplomacy of the People's Republic of China, it is believed that the foundations of the PRC's foreign policy were developed by Mao Zedong, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and Zhou Enlai, Premier of the State Council of the PRC.

Mao Zedong, more inclined towards traditional diplomacy, at the same time was the creator of the line on the independence and independence of Chinese foreign policy, gave it a business-like and realistic character, formulated the so-called line of the masses and the theory of three worlds - capitalist, socialist and the "third world" of developing countries Asia, Africa and Latin America.

However, Zhou Enlai can be considered as the original founding father of the diplomatic service of People's China. He gained experience in negotiations, in particular, during his participation in the settlement of the "Xi'an incident" connected with the arrest of Chiang Kai-shek by rebel generals Zhang Xuelyang and Yang Hongcheng in December 1936, in the negotiations between the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang in Chung-ching in August. October 1945 Even before the victory of the revolution in China, Zhou Enlai had a tendency to assimilate everything useful that he noticed in the diplomatic behavior of certain foreigners. Thus, in December 1945, an American mission headed by JS Marshal arrived in Yan'an, the center of the liberated regions, with which Zhou Enlai negotiated for four days. “Personally, I learned four lessons from these negotiations,” Zhou Enlai later said. - Each side should approach the other with mutual understanding, and not with mutual enmity. The parties should conduct discussions on a bilateral basis, avoiding the dictates of one side. They must make concessions and demand — and more importantly — they must make concessions before making demands. They should compete only in who will be able to resolve difficulties faster ”*. The future PRC prime minister learned a good lesson from negotiations with the Americans. Unfortunately, the Chinese side did not always follow Zhou Enlai's understanding.

* Myasnikov B.C. A brief outline of the history of China's diplomacy. P. 45.

From the very first days of the existence of the PRC, Zhou Enlai, being the Premier of the State Council of the PRC, also headed the diplomatic department of the new China. Even when in February 1958 Zhou Enlai handed over the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to Marshal Chen Yi, he continued to be the de facto leader of China's foreign policy. Zhou Enlai was one of the few Chinese leaders who, until his death in 1976, traveled quite regularly and frequently to foreign countries. For comparison, Mao Zedong went abroad only twice, both times to Moscow. The President of the People's Republic of China Liu Shaoqi visited the Soviet Union, who also paid visits to Burma, Cambodia and Indonesia in 1963.

As Zhou Enlai's contribution, he considers his approval in Chinese diplomacy of an approach in which China's relations with foreign countries are determined primarily by its state interests, and then by the commonality or difference of ideology and social system. Together with the Prime Ministers of India J. Nehru and Burma U Nu, he formulated the "five principles of peaceful coexistence" and achieved their approval as the foundations of international relations at the Bandung Conference in 1955. Zhou En-lai deserves credit for the development and further development " People's Diplomacy "of the PRC, i.e. diplomacy carried out through public organizations and people exchanges. The main feature of Chou Enlai's diplomacy is also considered to be the principle "tsiu-tung tsun-i" put forward by him - "to find common ground, despite existing differences." Thanks to the efforts of Zhou Enlai, it was possible to preserve the core of the cadre and protect the Foreign Ministry from the atrocities of the "hungweipings" during the destructive period of the "cultural revolution" and ensure the continuity and stability of the country's foreign policy.

Deng Xiaoping also made his contribution to China's diplomacy, having developed the directions of the country's international activities since the mid-1980s. He was the author of the "one state - two systems" approach as a way to solve "problems left by history", specifically in relation to Hong Kong and Macau, as well as to Taiwan. He owns the thesis that peace and development are the main problems in modern international relations. He is the initiator of the course of "reform within the country, openness to the outside world", in which the internal and external policies of the PRC, the setting of China's foreign policy at the service of the internal one, the implementation of "openness" as the main form of the PRC's state line in the international arena are organically linked. The pragmatist Deng Xiaoping said: "It doesn't matter what color the cat is - white or black, the main thing is that she catches mice."

Today culture is an integral part of international politics, it has always played and continues to play an important role in its arena. Many countries adhere to the principle of peaceful coexistence and goodwill, and thus use cultural diplomacy, without which it is impossible to popularize their cultural heritage, to promote the achievements of their people. Intercultural communication has also acquired particular importance.

High cultural diplomacy is often referred to in many sources as "soft". The term was first used by Joseph Nye in 1990, in his work BoundToLead. Such diplomacy also serves to achieve such goals as: solving foreign policy or economic issues, strengthening the geopolitical positions of the state in the international arena without the use of brute force.

Cultural diplomacy is a social institution that allows countries from all over the world to exchange the cultural values ​​of a people. Cultural diplomacy is a field of diplomatic activity closely related to the use of culture as the main means of achieving the fundamental goals of the foreign policy of the state, creating a favorable image of the country in the international arena, and popularizing the culture and languages ​​of its peoples.

One of the components of "soft power" today is the cultural factor. In the world, the influence of this factor on general socio-economic processes and interstate relations and ties is growing, in international politics it acquires a new meaning. In accordance with this, many states are beginning to pay more attention to their cultural policy, the term "foreign cultural policy" is increasingly used, since the export, dissemination and popularization of national culture or, conversely, the rejection of foreign cultural expansion is becoming a more effective tool of foreign policy. Foreign cultural policy can also serve as an effective ideological tool that helps to implement the foreign policy strategies of states, building a solid foundation that would allow states to promote and defend their national interests in the international arena, and thereby have a great influence on the processes of social development.

Confucius Schools are one of the important tools for promoting the "soft power" of Chinese diplomacy. These schools were established with the aim of acquainting the peoples of different countries of the world with the Chinese language and culture and developing friendly ties between China and the world community.

In accordance with the statutes of these schools, prepared by the office under the Ministry of Education of China, the main task of these educational institutions is to further strengthen the cultural and linguistic knowledge of China, develop friendly relations between China and other countries, stimulate the development of world cultural diversity and contribute to building a harmonious society. ... At the same time, it is emphasized that these institutions are not political in nature and their activities are aimed at strengthening cooperation in the field of education, culture, economy in China and abroad.

The first "Confucius Institute" appeared in November 2004 in the capital of South Korea - Seoul. From that moment on, "Confucius Institutes" began to open all over the world, and over the next three years there were already more than 210 institutes in the world in 64 countries and regions, including 12 "Confucius Institutes" in Russia.

Recently, the Chinese economy has been developing rapidly, and more and more foreign countries are interested in Chinese culture. To attract more interest, the Chinese government is pursuing a policy of spreading the Chinese language around the world. Teaching this language abroad, thereby contributes to the spread of the very culture and traditions of China. Now more than a million foreigners learn Chinese every year. In early 2013, the Confucius Institute published the "Development Project 2020". In 7 years, the number of those wishing to speak the most popular language of the planet should double. This alignment affects the Chinese voice in the international community. This is a kind of soft power of the country. It can be replaced that China uses soft power to establish contacts with ASEAN, and with the unpredictable DPRK, and with its antagonist - the United States.

And finally, the main goal is not cultural analysis, although it is impossible to do without it, but the study of the problem from the point of view of world politics and international relations, including foreign economic relations.

Speaking about the rapid rise of the Celestial Empire in the international arena, it is worth noting the importance of the Beijing Consensus. The "Beijing Consensus" was first mentioned by a professor at the Chinese University Tsinghua J. Ramo. The "Beijing Consensus" was intended to replace the neoliberal "Washington Consensus" that had discredited itself in the 90s throughout the post-Soviet space. The Beijing Consensus is focused, firstly, on innovation, and secondly, on sustainable, balanced and high-quality development, as well as on social equality, and thirdly, on national self-determination. He attaches as much importance to social change as to economic change. In the Beijing Consensus, economics and governance are aimed at improving society, which is completely ignored by the Washington Consensus. In the process of market reforms, China has almost completely achieved both macroeconomic stability, and the activation of economic entities, and impressive foreign economic successes.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established to apply the Beijing Consensus. The Shanghai spirit is based on mutual interest, trust between states, and includes such principles as: equality, cooperation and mutual consultation. Over time, the SCO has become a mechanism for regulating the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China with the countries of Central Asia. Thus, this makes it possible, if not to neutralize, then at least soften the perception in the Central Asian region of China as an enemy of the world community.

The Chinese threat, or as it is also called the "yellow danger", means, first of all, demographic pressure. With the growth of China's economy, the fear of economic expansion also developed. This means that for the Western countries, the threat is, first of all, the economic dominance of China in almost all spheres of the economy. Due to economic factors, Chinese goods can be produced much cheaper than their Western counterparts, which leads to the elimination of entire sectors of the economy in Western countries.

Chinese authorities and researchers often point out that they oppose US global leadership. Chinese diplomacy points to a new concept based on mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, interaction and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. Thus, the People's Republic of China is one of those countries that is rapidly adapting to the pace of globalization.

Participating in the process of globalization, China, firstly, remains as an independent sovereign state, and secondly, it is able to make certain adjustments to globalization, for example, to stimulate the creation of a just and rational new international political and economic order. as well as opportunities. On the one hand, this is the possibility of a world economic war, on the other hand, the prospects for mutually beneficial cooperation. Taking this opportunity, you should never forget about the threats. After China joined the WTO in 2001, favorable opportunities began to be mentioned more often in the country, including for solving acute internal problems, especially those related to employment, and these decisions opened up an increase in foreign trade, an inflow of investments, etc. that in 2002-2006. export growth reached very high rates, and by the end of the period China caught up with the USA in this indicator.

In general, the concept of "soft power", as one of the main components of the aggregate state power of China, is the main vector of the implementation of China's cultural diplomacy, aimed at strengthening not only the geopolitical, but also the geocultural positions of the state. "Going beyond" Chinese culture is a strategy to raise the "soft power" of Chinese culture, aimed at spreading Chinese culture throughout the world, creating a positive image of the country in the international arena.

It should be noted that the holding of EXP02010 in Shanghai is an important example of a large-scale, comprehensive and systematic implementation of cultural strategies ("passing from generation to generation", "putting the ancient at the service of modernity", "placing foreign at the service of China", building a mutually beneficial polylogue based on principles of "harmony" and "harmonious peace", "unity without unification") in the space of international interaction. The EXPO 2010 exhibition offered a conceptual solution to problems related to resource reduction, crime rate reduction, environmental pollution by modeling the cities of the future.

In conclusion, it can be added that the 21st century is the century of intercivilizational dialogue based on cultural diplomacy, which is supposed to be one of the main components of the foreign policy strategies of states. In particular, Chinese cultural diplomacy is reflected in the implementation of a “soft power” strategy based on culture and ideology, which is used to strengthen geopolitical and geocultural positions. Elements of the concept of "soft power" were identified by Chinese scientists: the ideas of harmony, unity and diversity of development models; ideas about the value system; the attractiveness of the state model and culture in the international arena, the presence of strategic friendly relations with other countries and the scale of participation in the formation of the international legal order, the degree of impact on the elite and society.
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2. Sedunov A.M., Guruleva T.L., Skripkar M.V. The United States in China's Foreign Policy Strategy // International Journal of Applied and Fundamental Research. 2013. No. 8-3. S. 175-176.
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The new Chinese foreign policy very quickly "fledged" and "took the wing." Only in mid-March, new leaders were elected in China, a new government of the country, the State Council of the PRC, was formed, and there was a rotation of personnel in the Foreign Ministry. Wang Yi has been appointed the new head of China's foreign ministry. Once the ambassador of the People's Republic of China to Japan, before his current appointment, he served as head of the office for Taiwan affairs and oversaw the situation on the Korean Peninsula. It can be said that this appointment outlined the tasks of Chinese diplomacy on the most important and acute foreign policy problems of China at the moment - the conflict with Japan, the resolution of the "Taiwan question", relations with Pyongyang and Washington. It is, however, too early to say that the practical approaches and tactics of Chinese diplomacy will undergo changes. However, this has already happened with China's foreign policy strategy. These changes were reinforced by the latest visits and speeches by the new head of the PRC, who outlined Beijing's new, globalized vision of the world and China's role in it. Xi Jinping has already made his first tour - in nine days he visited four countries - three African and Russia, and also took part in the BRICS summit in South Africa and has now gathered the leaders of several countries at his home for a forum in Boaoi, taking place these days on the island of Hainan.

"New Internationalism", "World China" or what Beijing dreams of

At the end of last year, Xi Jinping formulated his main task: he called it “the great revival of the Chinese nation” and later added that this is the “Chinese dream”. This phrase, apparently chosen as the foundation of the new Chinese ideology, began to be quickly replicated by the media controlled by the party and the state. Just as quickly, the "Chinese dream" was projected onto the country's foreign policy.

In the interpretation of Chinese ideologists, the new theory has incorporated traditional Chinese ideas about universal values ​​with an emphasis on the fact that it is in the Chinese tradition that these values ​​have found their full expression. At the state level, this is the desire for wealth and power, democracy, civilization and harmony. With regard to foreign policy, this is the equality of all countries, non-interference in internal affairs, respect and value of all cultures and development models, acceptance of the thesis about the diversity and cultural wealth of different civilizations. Beijing emphasizes that it does not seek to rekindle a new ideological struggle, but only wants to bring China's foreign policy to a new level. The diplomacy of the "new internationalism" (as this policy was called in the newspaper "Renmin Ribao") is, in fact, the embodiment of the desire to pursue a "policy of true virtue, which will make China a developed state that enjoys the respect of all mankind." The "Chinese Dream" formulates the main universal value - "peace is everywhere under Heaven", which is consistent with the ancient Chinese idea of ​​a harmonious peace in the Middle Kingdom, which is not limited by the borders of China itself, but where China seems to be a kind of center of the world. Some strategists even use the ancient philosophical term "da tun" (the "great unity" of the multitudes, ordered on the basis of hierarchy and harmony, into a community under a single one-man command). In the Confucian tradition in China, it was presented as a kind of ideal society, absolute prosperity at the highest world level (and in socialist China it is sometimes equated with the building of communism). It is within this system of values, common to all mankind, that the China of our days will be formed, combining three principles: traditional China, modern China and, finally, “world China”. In Beijing, they talk about the "reglobalization" of the world - a process in which Western values ​​will not be the only principle of rebuilding the world.

The problem, however, is that Chinese values ​​are not well known outside of China itself. On the other hand, for their universalization it will be necessary to discard the part that works outside the conditions of China (just as the United States did when it began exporting its "universal democracy"). Finally, China will have to change itself and start living by the above principles in order to show others that its values ​​really work - and this, apparently, is the most important thing.

Nevertheless, the new head of the Chinese Foreign Ministry has already confirmed that his department "develops and implements the foreign policy of a great power with Chinese characteristics." Chinese experts say that the first practical task of the Chinese leadership in foreign policy is to eliminate the bias towards the development of commodity-money and trade-economic relations and increase "moral involvement in the affairs of peace", the promotion of diplomacy through "soft power."

Xi Jinping prepared very well for his first international tour. He did the same as his predecessor Hu Jintao, who made his first visit after being elected President of the PRC in 2003 to Moscow. To ensure the success of the visit, Beijing used not only official channels, but also non-governmental contacts to prepare, including the most important documents signed during the visit - on long-term energy cooperation between China and Russia. Of the 35 endorsed documents, most of them record the agreements between the subjects of commercial activity and relate to the natural resources of Russia.

The leaders of neighboring countries, however, failed to answer the question at what price Russian gas will be sold to China. But an agreement in principle has been reached that Russian gas will still be sold to China, initially - in the amount of 38 billion cubic meters per year, the routes of its supply have been discussed. By the end of the year they promise to agree on a price - not a fixed one (as China wanted), but calculated according to a certain “formula”, as Gazprom wanted. Even so, Russian gas will not go to China until 2018.

More impressive is the package of agreements on oil: Rosneft receives from Beijing a loan of two billion dollars for 25 years, due to which it increases supplies by about 15 million tons, that is, doubles (compared to today's) volumes. It was decided to bring the mutual trade turnover up to $ 100 billion by 2015 and then double it in another five years, while “diversifying the structure of trade”.

The parties reaffirmed their relationship of "comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction" with a declaration on their "deepening". It says that Moscow and Beijing call for the construction of "a more just, democratic and harmonious world order", and in the last paragraph the parties even agreed on "conceptual guidelines - peaceful coexistence and striving for unity while maintaining differences." The Chinese leader did not expand on the "Chinese dream" in Moscow; on the contrary, he said that Russia had chosen its own path. But Anatoly Torkunov, the rector of MGIMO, where the Chinese leader spoke to the students, assured that Russia supports the implementation of the "Chinese dream." It is also interesting that the Chinese leader agreed to build in Pervomaiskiy, near Moscow, a museum dedicated to the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of China, held here in 1929.

In Africa, Xi Jinping behaved somewhat differently. As the deputy head of the Research Institute of International Strategy of the Party School under the CPC Central Committee Gong Li said, "Africa is the main supporting force of Chinese diplomacy." One can add to his words: Africa is a kind of testing ground where China is rolling out its foreign policy strategies, including global ones. For example, Xi Jinping devoted his speech to the Tanzanian parliament to his vision of Sino-African interaction and spoke more about Africa as a kind of community with which China has a trade turnover of 200 billion US dollars (which has grown 10 times over 10 years). Xi Jinping, on behalf of the Chinese government, promised to reduce to zero the import customs duty rate for 97% of goods from African countries maintaining diplomatic relations with the PRC by 2015. He also promised Africa another $ 20 billion in loans in addition to $ 15 billion in the form of direct investments already made in the region. Xi Jinping called on African leaders for closer integration within the African Union, which would enable them to confront the challenges of our time. He explained to them the essence of the "Chinese dream" and said that it coincided with their own "African dream" - "rebirth through unity and development." China will support African countries' efforts to find their own development model. He also referred to the "global dream" aimed at ensuring "lasting peace and shared prosperity."

Tsvyk Anatoly Vladimirovich
Russia, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, direction of international relations
[email protected]

annotation

The article is devoted to the analysis of modern Chinese economic diplomacy, the stages of its development are considered, the specifics, forms and methods are revealed, its conditionality is substantiated by the peculiarities of the foreign policy strategy of the modern PRC.

Keywords

PRC, economic diplomacy, economic policy, foreign economic relations, economic development.

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Tsvyk Anatoly Vladimirovich

Economic diplomacy of China: main features // Regional Economics and Management: Electronic Scientific Journal... ISSN 1999-2645... -. Article number: 3304. Date of publication: 2013-01-27. Access mode: https: // site / article / 3304 /

Tsvyk Anatoly Vladimirovich
Peoples "Friendship University of Russia, Faculty of Humanitarian and social sciences, international relations
[email protected]

Abstract

This article is devoted to the analysis of modern economic diplomacy of China. Notes that one of the most important components of this diplomatic strategy is economic diplomacy since the economic power of China and growing economic dependence on the PRC of not only emerging but also some developed countries facilitates wide use by China of economic leverages for resolution of external political objectives.

Keywords

PRC, economic diplomacy, economic policy, economic development, international economic relation

Suggested Citation

Tsvyk Anatoly Vladimirovich

Economic dipomacy of the PRC: main features. Regional economy and management: electronic scientific journal. ... Art. # 3304. Date issued: 2013-01-27. Available at: https: // site / article / 3304 /

The relevance of the topic of this article is due to the fact that China is currently one of the most dynamically developing states in the world, which inevitably entails a change in its role in the system of international relations. High rates of economic growth and active involvement in the world economic system led to the transformation of the PRC from a regional leader into one of the leading world powers. The change in China's status in the international arena attracts much attention of researchers to the study of the evolution of both the PRC's foreign policy strategy and the dynamics of its foreign economic relations and their influence on the development of relations with other countries.

In solving these problems, modern China is increasingly resorting to the techniques and methods of economic diplomacy, since the economic power of China and the growing economic dependence on the PRC not only of developing countries, but also of individual developed countries, largely contribute to China's widespread use of economic levers in solving foreign policy problems. In this regard, the analysis of the essence and characteristics of modern Chinese economic diplomacy seems to be an urgent research task.

In the "Concise Foreign Economic Dictionary", economic diplomacy is defined as: "a specific area of ​​modern diplomatic activity associated with the use of economic problems as an object and means of struggle and cooperation in international relations. Economic diplomacy, like diplomacy, in general, is an integral part of foreign policy, international activities of the state; it is foreign policy that determines the goals and objectives of economic diplomacy, which is a set of measures, forms, means and methods used to implement foreign policy. " It should be noted, however, that this concept is not widespread in the research literature. Many dictionaries mention only a number of concepts related to economic diplomacy, for example, "dollar diplomacy", "textile diplomacy". Even in the specialized "Diplomatic Dictionary" the concept of economic diplomacy is not mentioned in any issue, although there are enough facts and terms associated with it.

In modern literature, economic diplomacy is understood as that part of diplomatic activity that is aimed at realizing the economic goals and interests of the state. This concept began to be widely used relatively recently, although it would be completely wrong to believe that only in modern society the economic interests of the state were included in the sphere of diplomatic activity, because it was trade that was the reason for the establishment of the first interstate relations and agreements. Therefore, we can safely say that economic diplomacy is not a product of only a modern globalizing society. Politics and economics throughout the history of the development of international relations mutually influence each other.

At the same time, precisely in our days, in the context of the globalization of the world, characterized by the economic interdependence of states from each other, economic diplomacy, as never before, is becoming an important element in international relations. It is a “measuring instrument” by which the level of relations between countries is determined. The economy today has acquired a central role in diplomatic relations, so the boundaries between traditional political and economic diplomatic actions are becoming thinner and economic diplomacy is increasingly being introduced in the field of classical diplomacy.

Economic diplomacy is designed to solve the following main tasks: - to provide the country's leadership with timely delivery of information about the economic situation abroad, about the foreign economic policy of other states, the activities of international organizations, economic positions, strategies and interests of subjects of international relations, about the dynamics of the world economic order; - to practically solve in the international arena the tasks of creating the most favorable conditions for the economic development of their state in a global context, to implement the foreign policy tasks of the programs of the country's economic development; - to influence through diplomatic channels and instruments on the formation of the normative base of international economic relations in the interests of their state; - to support and protect domestic business abroad, to attract foreign investors to the economy of their country; - to attract, as necessary, external financial and credit resources for the needs of the economic development of their state.

So, economic diplomacy has been present in foreign policy since its inception, it is the main mechanism for achieving fruitful trade and economic ties at bilateral and multilateral levels - it is a key tool for the development of effective cooperation between countries and regions at the global level.

In the modern world, several processes can be distinguished that are of decisive importance for national economies. This primarily refers to globalization and related processes. If we understand globalization as the process of forming a global economic system based on the material of national economies, in other words, the integration of national economies into a single world economy - globalization is a logical continuation of another equally important process - the internationalization of national economies. Internationalization, the essence of which lies in the fact that due to industrial and scientific and technical cooperation and the international division of labor, national economies are intertwined with each other with ever closer ties, has been actively developing in the world since the second half of the twentieth century. and today plays an essential role in the system of international relations. The peculiarity of the modern world order is that national borders recede into the background under the pressure of a powerful force - economic gain. Acting as attributes of state sovereignty, national borders, from the point of view of modern economic development, are considered already as an obstacle to transnational economic cooperation and international competition.

A direct consequence of the processes of globalization and internationalization is a change in the structure of the modern world economy, in which two large blocks can be clearly distinguished: the economic vanguard and all the rest. The vanguard includes no more than three dozen countries that have managed to build a high-tech post-industrial economy. They are the backbone of the world economy and the engine of globalization, setting "technological, socio-economic and organizational and managerial standards on the basis of which the world economic order, general conditions and rules of the game are formed." It is their foreign economic policy that has a decisive influence on the development trends of the world economy.

In addition, supranational systems of regulation of world economic activity in the form of international economic and financial organizations (IMF, WTO, OECD, etc.) are playing an increasing role in the world arena today. The principle of decision-making in these organizations actually endows a small group of countries with an economic vanguard " the right of decisive influence on the assessment of existing problems, on the determination of ways and methods of their solution and on the formation of a new world (practically investment) order ”.

The avant-garde countries include the so-called. the developed countries. Moreover, in the structure of the world economy, they form three centers of gravity - European, Pan-American and Asia-Pacific. At the beginning of the XXI century. in the Asia-Pacific region, the positions of China are increasingly strengthening, which has made a powerful economic breakthrough and significantly strengthened its position not only in the AP region, but throughout the world. At the same time, for a long time, the technological and economic policy of the PRC was carried out within the framework of the “catch-up development” strategy. This paradigm consists in the recognition of the fact that “it is possible to catch up with the world economic vanguard only by creating similar institutions and economic mechanisms”, i.e. carrying out the path of borrowing. On this path, China has undoubtedly succeeded. The implementation of the policy of "reforms and open doors" made it possible to ensure the powerful economic development of the country: in 2009, China became the world's largest exporter, and in 2010, overtaking Japan, it took the second place in the world in terms of GDP (5, 88 trillion dollars. ). The output of high-tech products is growing at an accelerated pace: in 2011-2099. the share of high-tech goods in China's total exports increased from 17.5% to 29%.

But, as the experience of other states, whose economies have developed according to a similar scenario, shows that borrowed technologies cannot ensure a stable growth of the country's competitiveness for an infinitely long time, and even more so contribute to its transformation into a leading world power. It is very difficult to keep up with the leading countries, when the time and costs of borrowing increase (due to the complication of institutions and mechanisms), and their useful life decreases (due to the growing pace of scientific and technological progress). Therefore, the leadership of the PRC has put forward a new task - to reach the world level of scientific and technological development on its own fundamental basis. In 2006, at the All-China Conference on Science and Technology, the foundations of the country's development plan in the field of science and technology until 2020 were promulgated, in which the following tasks were set: for example - 10%); - an increase in R&D expenditures from 1.4 to 2.5% of GDP; - increasing the scale of using the achievements of scientific and technological progress in economic development up to 60% or more; - entering the top five countries in terms of the number of patents for inventions and the number of references to scientific publications of Chinese scientists.

This very ambitious plan can only be fulfilled in the case of the PRC's transition from the strategy of “catch-up development” to the strategy of “advanced development”, i.e. to solve an extremely difficult task of a technological breakthrough. The advanced development paradigm, as noted by modern researchers, also requires a clear understanding of the current situation and development trends of the world economy, its problems, current and potential, strengths and weaknesses of the national economy in a global context.

The key task in the context of the organization of advanced development is the reform of the sphere of foreign economic activity, the creation and implementation of the strategic concept of state management of foreign economic activity. It is the state management of foreign economic activity in these conditions that becomes an integral part of the foreign policy activity of the state, because foreign policy is designed to defend national interests in international relations. In modern conditions, the foreign policy of a state seeking to develop a strategy of advanced development must solve, first of all, foreign economic problems, this is the guarantee of security and sustainable development of the state in the modern world. The institute of economic diplomacy is a concrete expression of this "economized" approach to foreign policy. The rapid development of economic diplomacy in the PRC was a response to the challenges of the time. Following the growth of the power and degree of involvement of the national economy in global and regional world economic ties, it is economic diplomacy that has moved to one of the leading positions in China's foreign policy instruments. Its important distinguishing feature at the present stage is the breadth of the range.

In the development of China's economic diplomacy, modern researchers distinguish two stages that are closely related to the peculiarities of its political development. The first stage covers 1949-1978. During this period, the PRC government is seeking recognition of the PRC by other states of the world, establishing diplomatic relations with them. Economic diplomacy of the PRC during this period is aimed at strengthening cooperation with the USSR as a leading partner of the PRC in the international arena. "Economic diplomacy is faced with the task of expanding bilateral trade, strengthening bilateral economic and scientific-technical cooperation, and receiving economic and technical assistance from the Soviet side." In addition, trade and economic relations with other countries are developing, primarily in the Asia-Pacific region. As far as possible, China provides economic and technical assistance to less developed neighboring states, thereby ensuring the relative security of its borders and gaining the opportunity to direct its efforts towards the internal development of the country and strengthening its own economy and political system. Efforts are also being made to counter the strengthening of Taiwan's international position.

Relations with the countries of Western Europe during this period are complex and contradictory. On the one hand, the developed capitalist countries are actively opposing the new communist China: the assets of the former concessions are being withdrawn from the mainland through Hong Kong, and an embargo on trade with China is being introduced. On the other hand, in some Western European countries (for example, France and Great Britain), trade interests take over, and the embargo is unilaterally lifted, and representatives of the business community are sent to China. Thus, the economy begins to determine the foreign policy dynamics.

Let us trace the influence of economic interests on the development of bilateral relations between countries using the example of the PRC and the FRG. After the end of World War II and China's establishment of diplomatic relations with the GDR, the distance between the FRG and the PRC seemed enormous and insurmountable. Not the least role was played by the Hallstein doctrine adopted in Bonn in 1955, according to which the FRG refused foreign policy relations with states that had diplomatic contacts with the GDR (the USSR was an exception). The increased US dissatisfaction with the foreign and domestic policy of the PRC, in particular, the Taiwan issue (as you know, the US had a great influence on the diplomatic vector of the FRG), also affected. Some shifts in relations between the FRG and China were outlined only in the mid-sixties of the twentieth, and precisely in the economic sphere, when Chinese and German diplomats in 1964 conducted secret negotiations in Bern, Switzerland on the exchange of goods between the two states. Already in 1967, the officially unsecured trade between the two states crossed the billion dollar mark, this could not but affect the development of bilateral relations: the PRC and the FRG were simply forced to start moving towards each other, which gave a natural result - the establishment of diplomatic relations in October 1972 ...

Modern researchers count the second period in the development of Chinese economic diplomacy since December 1978, when at the 3rd plenary session of the CPC Central Committee "economic construction" was declared the main task of the party and government. It was from this moment that economic diplomacy began to be viewed in China as the most important instrument of foreign economic policy and began to play an increasingly prominent role in general diplomatic practice.

China today is an active participant in the world market, gradually strengthening its position, including through the means of economic diplomacy. One of the successfully solved tasks of modern economic diplomacy of the PRC is the search for access to world intellectual resources. First of all, we are talking about technology transfer, among which technologies in the field of energy and environmental protection are of the greatest interest. In 1984-2007. China has signed about 10 thousand contracts for the acquisition of high technologies for a total of $ 25.42 billion. The main source of high technologies is the EU member states and Japan. Among European countries, the leading positions are occupied by Germany, France and Great Britain. As of February 2008, the PRC purchased more than 27 thousand technologies from the EU for a total of $ 111.1 billion, which amounted to 40% of the country's total high-tech imports.

One of the major successes of Chinese economic diplomacy was its accession to the World Trade Organization: on December 11, 2001, the PRC became a member of the WTO, which meant the end of difficult negotiations that lasted 15 years. Thus, China has joined the global trade regime. Chinese researchers also refer to the restoration of membership in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in 1980, joining the Asian Development Bank in 1986, and joining APEC as undoubted successes of economic diplomacy.
The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Organization (APEC) was established in November 1989. And already in July 1990, at the second APEC ministerial meeting in Singapore, a Joint Statement was adopted, which welcomed the early simultaneous accession to the organization of China and Chinese Taipei and Xianggang ... In November 1991, based on the principles of "one China" and "differentiation of sovereign states and regional economic entities", China as a sovereign state, as well as Chinese Taipei and Hong Kong (from July 1, 1997, Hong Kong was renamed “Chinese Hong Kong”) as regional economic entities have officially joined APEC. After China's accession to the APEC organization, it has become an important arena for the country in establishing mutually beneficial cooperation and multilateral diplomacy with other economic actors in the region, as well as in demonstrating China's state image. By participating in APEC cooperation, China has contributed to its own development and at the same time has made an important contribution to the development of the regional and global economy. As a member of the APR, China has paid and continues to pay special attention to interaction in APEC in different directions, taking an active part in this process. Thus, the President of the PRC took part in all informal meetings of the APEC leaders, setting out active political proposals and initiatives. On October 20, 2001, the 9th informal meeting of the leaders of the organization was successfully held in Shanghai, at which a number of important documents were adopted, such as the Declaration of APEC Economic Leaders, the Shanghai Agreement and the "Electronic APEC" Strategy. This greatly contributed to the development of bilateral relations between China and the relevant members of the organization and further strengthened China's influence in the APR.

All these and other facts testify to the indisputable successes of the economic policy of the PRC leadership, and, consequently, to the successes of Chinese economic diplomacy. The relationship between economic and other types of diplomacy in the PRC's foreign policy is also of interest. Among the examples of ensuring the goals of political diplomacy by means of economic diplomacy is the situation with Taiwan. In 1971, the People's Republic of China was able to restore its membership in the United Nations. The consequence was the loss of Taiwan's membership in UN bodies and specialized agencies. Taipei did not accept the change in their position and began to seek the restoration of membership under one name or another. The island actively used so-called "dollar diplomacy" to enlist support from developing countries. The next step was the creation in 1996 in Taiwan of the International Fund for Cooperation and Development, which was entrusted with the management of international assistance programs. As a result of the fund's activities, some states, such as Macedonia and Senegal, established diplomatic relations with Taiwan, which led to the severance of diplomatic relations with the PRC.

Economic diplomacy was also used in response to counter Taipei's actions. China has allocated additional economic and technical assistance to developing countries, provided them with soft loans and credits, introduced a preferential import regime for their exports to the Chinese market, and proposed new projects for economic cooperation. Thanks to the measures taken by Beijing, it was possible not only to prevent the issue of restoring Taiwan's membership to the UN agenda, but also to significantly reduce the number of states maintaining diplomatic relations with it (by 2008, 23 states remained).

Another example, when general diplomacy resorted to the possibilities of economic diplomacy, can be called the situation around the former UN Commission on Human Rights, when in the 1990s. China used economic leverage to prevent the adoption of a resolution condemning Beijing's human rights policies.

In recent years, China's economic diplomacy has revealed many new changes - stimulating liberal trade, changing the way of economic diplomacy. Modern German researchers note a number of points in this connection. First, the rich successes in the field of economic diplomacy in China have been achieved thanks to the dynamic development of the economy, the continuous strengthening of economic power and aggregate state power.

Second, China's economic diplomacy has a responsibility to adapt to the international environment, especially to the changing international economic environment. In the past, China has most used such methods of assistance - providing undeveloped countries with economic assistance, helping them to build infrastructure. As the international economic climate changes, more and more shortcomings of these methods have been revealed, more and more problems. The most acute problem is that countries that accept aid cannot form the ability to independently function as a “recipient”.

Third, the rise of protectionism requires strategic regulation of China's economic diplomacy. It needs, through the development of economic diplomacy, to promote the construction of a liberal trade zone, strengthen cooperation in the economy and trade with developing countries of the world, through trade cooperation, investment cooperation and joint development of resource facilities with undeveloped countries, while China is strengthening its influence and position in international economic affairs and avoids large-scale protectionism and sanctions.

The difficulties along this path are also recognized by Chinese researchers. In their works, it is noted that as exports further expand, Chinese goods began to more often face various types of tariff, non-tariff and technical barriers. According to some estimates, in the period from 1978 to 2002. 494 measures were taken in 32 countries, including 467 anti-dumping investigations, affecting about 4 thousand items of Chinese goods. In the US, EU member states and some other developed countries, various restrictions and bans on the transfer of high technologies and the sale of the latest equipment continue to apply. The most illustrative example is the 1989 embargo on arms sales to the PRC.

In the context of the global financial crisis, the problem of protectionism is becoming more and more acute. In an effort to protect the national industry, the governments of some states are moving towards the introduction of additional restrictions and bans on imported goods. On March 17 and 26, 2009, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization published reports highlighting the growing practice of protectionist measures. Despite the commitments made during the G20 Financial Markets and World Economy Summit, which took place on November 15, 2008 in Washington, 85 new measures were announced over the past months, including 47 measures that took effect.

In this regard, Chinese Minister of Commerce Chen Deming and other officials have repeatedly spoken out against trade protectionism and called on the international community to join forces to counter this phenomenon. The Chinese side proposes to distinguish between "protection of trade" ("maoi baohui") and protectionism in trade ("maoi baohuzhui"). If a country is facing an economic crisis, its agricultural and industrial products are exposed to external blows, then the country has the right to protect its production and trade. However, protective measures must be implemented strictly in accordance with WTO rules. If the established rules are violated or abused, then this is protectionism. At the same time, China demonstrates to the whole world its readiness to further develop the strategy of economic diplomacy, especially for this there are such favorable conditions as a fairly stable socio-economic development of the country.

On February 8, 2012, the First Economic Forum of Diplomats "The Rapidly Changing International Economic Situation and the Internationalization of Chinese Enterprises" representatives of well-known large enterprises and influential media. The combination of diplomacy and economics in one event was an innovation among the numerous economic forums in the country.

At the forum, the former deputy. Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China Qiao Zonghuai, former Minister of Foreign Economy and Trade, Deputy. Head of the International Relations Department of the CPC Central Committee Li Jinjun, Secretary General of the Boao Economic Forum Long Yuntu, Former Ambassador of China to the Netherlands Hua Limin, Ambassador of Argentina to China Gustavo A. Martino, Counselor for Economic Affairs of the German Embassy in China Hendrik Lüchtmeyer, Counselor for Economic Affairs of the Embassy Belarus Kirill Rudy, etc. Assessing the role of the forum, Li Jinjun, in particular, noted that the team of diplomats participating in the forum with a special government background have clear resource advantages, international influence, knowledge of foreign markets and original opinions about the international economy, and the economic forum itself was aimed at creating an effective platform , to rely on the resources of diplomats to provide new ideas to enterprises wishing to enter overseas markets in order to facilitate trade exchanges and cooperation between China and around the world. As it became known, in the future, the Economic Forum of Diplomats will be held annually to create a stable and long-term platform and bridge for exchanges between diplomats, economic circles, chambers of commerce, scientists, etc.

All of the above indicates that with the further development of China, its economic diplomacy will play an increasingly prominent role in the general diplomatic practice of the state, which in the future will make its study an even more urgent task.

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