Home Berries Public organizations under Alexander 2. Social movements. The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

Berries

Public organizations under Alexander 2. Social movements. The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

Liberalism in the Russian Empire originated in the 18th century. But it acquired special significance and poignancy during the reign of Emperor Alexander II in 1860-1880. after the so-called liberal reforms. Many progressive nobles and liberals were dissatisfied with the half-heartedness of the peasant reform and demanded that the authorities continue it. In addition, a movement of “zemstvo constitutionalism” also arose in Russia, the main requirement of which was the granting of civil rights. You will learn more about all this in this lesson.

The word "liberalism" appeared in Europe in the 18th century. It is derived from the word liberalis, which means free. In general, liberals are people whose main goal of political struggle is to ensure human rights and freedoms.

in Russia in the first half of the 19th century. the word "liberal" was almost a dirty word. The fact is that Nicholas I at the beginning of his reign was seriously frightened by the Decembrists, and all revolutions in Europe in the middle of the 19th century. held under the banner of liberalism. Therefore, the authorities were hostile to the liberals.

The peasant reform of 1861, with its half-heartedness, caused discontent not only among the peasants, but also among a significant part of the progressively minded nobles. Many nobles began to turn to the king or speak at local provincial meetings with a request to change the order of the reform. The most famous action of this kind was the performance in December 1864 of the Tver nobles, headed by the former marshal of the nobility A.M. Unkovsky (Fig. 2). For this, he was forbidden to deal with peasant issues, and was also removed from office. 112 nobles of Tver presented to Emperor Alexander II a document called "Loyal Address". However, the provisions of this document were almost revolutionary. The nobles themselves insisted on creating a system absolutely equal for all estates, abolishing the estate privileges of the nobility, creating an independent court, and even allocating land to the peasants.

Rice. 2. A.M. Unkovsky - leader of the Russian nobility, public figure ()

Alexander II, who seemed to be a liberal emperor and a supporter of progress, ordered the repression of these nobles. 13 people were placed for two years in the Peter and Paul Fortress, and Unkovsky was even exiled to Vyatka for his radical ideas. Other liberals, having seen such a reaction from the authorities, were afraid to openly oppose the government, even with the best of intentions. They began to group around a few magazines that began to appear in the 1860s.

The Vestnik Evropy magazine has become a kind of center of political struggle and a mouthpiece for the liberals (Fig. 3). A publication with this name was already published in Russia from 1802 to 1830, but was closed at the request of Nicholas I, who was afraid of any manifestations of opposition. Vestnik Evropy since 1866 was published under the editorship of the famous public figure and historian M.M. Stasyulevich (Fig. 4). The magazine published sharp political materials. Such famous scientists as I.M. Sechenov, K.A. Timiryazev; the works of L.N. Tolstoy, A.N. Ostrovsky, I.A. Goncharov, and in the 1880s. even the works of M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin - one of the sharpest and most caustic satirists.

Rice. 3. Journal "Bulletin of Europe" ()

Rice. 4. M.M. Stasyulevich - editor of the journal "Bulletin of Europe" ()

The most influential publication can be considered the newspaper "Voice" (Fig. 5), which was published in Russia for twenty years and also united supporters of the liberal idea. It briefly united even Slavophiles and Westernizers - representatives of two opposite currents that had been at enmity with each other since the 1830s.

One of the conductors of the liberal idea was the famous Slavophil Yu.F. Samarin (Fig. 6). In the 1870s the Moscow Zemstvo invited him to participate in the development of a tax reform project, in which he actively took part. According to his project, all estates of the Russian Empire were to become taxable, or taxable, that is, the tax burden fell not only on the peasants and philistines, but also on the nobles and the clergy. For Alexander II, all this was too radical. Samarin was not touched only because he went abroad and soon died there.

Rice. 6. Yu.F. Samarin is a Slavophil, a conductor of the ideas of liberalism in Russia ()

The Slavophiles continued to consider Russia an original civilization, but they saw that the changes that were taking place in the country clearly led to a better position for it. From their point of view, perhaps Russia should use the experience of Western countries, provided that it would lead to good results.

At the end of the 1870s. Liberal sentiments also intensified among the Zemstvos. In liberalism, a current of "zemstvo constitutionalism" arose. Representatives of this direction demanded that Alexander II continue the reforms. They believed that the rights of zemstvos, that is, local governments, should be expanded. Their main demand was "the crowning of the building of the zemstvo reform", which meant the creation of some kind of nationwide elected body (as if crowning the building of regional elected bodies - zemstvo assemblies). At first it was supposed to be deliberative, but in the long run (this was understood by everyone, although not always pronounced) - a legislative body, that is, a parliamentary type body that limits the power of the monarch. And this is constitutionalism - hence the name of the movement. Zemstvo constitutionalists demanded equal status for all estates, and some of their representatives even demanded the adoption of the Constitution of the Russian Empire. The key point in the political program of the zemstvo constitutionalists was the demand for the granting of civil liberties: speech, press, and assembly. However, Alexander II, despite the liberal fervor at the beginning of his reign, was not ready to make such serious concessions. This was also greatly hindered by the revolutionary activity that was taking place in Russia at that time.

A feature of the zemstvo constitutionalists was the hope for cooperation with Emperor Alexander II. At the very end of the emperor's reign, they had some hope. The fact is that M.T. became Alexander’s right hand. Loris-Melikov (Fig. 7), who was considered an adherent of the ideas of liberalism. But the hopes of the liberals did not come true and the Constitution of Loris-Melikov was never adopted in the Russian Empire.

Rice. 7. M.T. Loris-Melikov - Russian statesman, closest associate of Alexander II ()

The liberals tried to convince the emperor and his associates that it was easier to make gradual changes in the country than to wait for a surge of revolutionary sentiment. Some representatives of liberal circles even made contact with the populists, urging them to stop terrorist acts, thereby forcing the government to cooperate. But all the efforts of the liberals were useless.

Some liberals wanted to revive at least the Zemsky Sobor, through which one could try to influence the emperor. But such an idea seemed too radical even to Alexander II.

Thus, we can say that the liberal movement of the 1860s - 1870s. in Russia did not fulfill the tasks that it set for itself. To a large extent, the failures of Russian liberalism were connected with the pressure on the authorities of another political trend - conservatism.

Homework

What is liberalism? How was the liberal movement born in Russia and what contributed to it?
Describe the liberal nobles from a socio-political point of view. Why did the progressive nobles take the liberal movement as a basis?
What reasons contributed to the birth of zemstvo constitutionalism and what was it like? Describe the political program of the zemstvo constitutionalists.

Website Sochineniye.ru ()
Website Examen.ru ()
Website School.xvatit.com ()
Scepsis.net website ()

Bibliography

Lazukova N.N., Zhuravleva O.N. Russian history. 8th grade. M.: "Ventana-Graf", 2013.
Lyashenko L.M. Russian history. 8th grade. M.: "Drofa", 2012.
Leontovich V.V. History of liberalism in Russia (1762-1914). Moscow: Russian way, 1995.
Liberalism in Russia / RAS. Institute of Philosophy. Rep. Ed.: V.F. Pustarnakov, I.F. Khudushin. M., 1996.
Tatishchev S.S. Emperor Alexander II. His life and reign. In 2 volumes. M.: Charlie, 1996.

Detailed solution paragraph § 19–20 on history for students in grade 9, authors Arsentiev N.M., Danilov A.A., Levandovsky A.A. 2016

Gdz history workbook for grade 9 can be found

Question for point II. Remember when and why the institution of peace mediators was created.

This institution was created during the peasant reform of 1861. Peace mediators were elected from among the most respected landowners to help the landowners and peasants in the preparation of charters. As a rule, in conflicts they took the side of the landowners.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 1. Who are the raznochintsy? How did the formation of this stratum of the intelligentsia influence the development of the social movement in the 1860s and 1870s?

Raznochintsy are people who have received education and left the former social environment, usually were petty employees of the state apparatus, in the second half of the 19th century they made up the main part of the intelligentsia. These were people who were accustomed to achieve everything only with their minds. In addition, they often felt that they had no prospects in the official civil service without family connections. Therefore, it was precisely from the raznochintsy that the bulk of public figures and especially the revolutionaries of post-reform Russia came from.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 2. What ideas were defended by representatives of the conservative direction of social thought? What interests did they primarily represent?

The conservatives defended the old order and the interests of the nobility as the class that ruled under these old orders. Their ideas have not changed much since the time of Nicholas I:

Support for autocracy and other foundations of the state system;

Strengthening religiosity;

Maintenance of community institutions;

Upholding a patriarchal way of life;

Promotion of traditional values;

Pan-Slavism is the desire to unite all Slavs under the rule of the Russian Tsar.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 3. What is the main difference between the radical direction from the conservative and liberal.

The main difference was the readiness of the radicals to violence. At first they called for an uprising, and then they turned to individual terror.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 4. What did the Land and Freedom organization do in the 1860s?

This organization printed and distributed calls for a peasant uprising to change government conditions for the abolition of serfdom.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 5. What was the purpose of the populists? On what basis did the three directions in populism stand out? What were they?

The Narodniks sought to build socialism on the basis of a peasant community, bypassing the stage of capitalism.

The rebellious direction was made up of followers of M.A. Bakunin. They sought to raise a peasant uprising, believing that it was already overdue and being convinced that if the peasants were given all the land and freed from the oppression of the state machine, they would build socialism themselves.

The propaganda direction believed that before the uprising, long preparatory work should be carried out - propaganda in order to bring together the position of the peasants (the bulk of the alleged uprising) and the intelligentsia (its leaders). The ideological inspirer of the direction was P.L. Lavrov.

P.N. Tkachev was the ideologist of the conspiratorial direction. His followers considered the uprising of the broad masses unrealistic and sought to seize power through a conspiracy - well-organized actions by a relatively small group of revolutionaries, as a result of which they could carry out the necessary reforms from above.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 6. What is the tax "going to the people"? What were the members striving for?

"Going to the people" is an attempt by revolutionaries to raise the peasants to revolt with the help of propaganda among them. That is, its participants really came from cities to villages and called for an uprising there: during the first walk they agitated the first people they met, during the second they first gained authority among the people as doctors, teachers, etc.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 7. What measures did M.T. Loris-Melikov take to normalize the situation in the country? What was the essence of his project?

Loris-Melikov applied the method of a stick and a carrot, tested for centuries. On the one hand, he advocated softening censorship and the policy of the authorities in relation to the zemstvos and society as a whole. He also proposed the creation of preparatory commissions for the development of laws from representatives of both bureaucracy and zemstvos and to introduce representatives of zemstvos and city dumas into the State Council. Thus, the development of further reforms had to become all-class and, to a certain extent, all-people. On the other hand, Loris-Melikov improved the work of the police, making it more professional, and the fight against terrorists - more targeted and targeted.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 1. How did the Land and Liberty organization that operated in the 1860s differ from the Land and Liberty organization that existed in the 1870s?

The organization of the 1860s called for a peasant uprising, its activity was limited to the issuance of proclamations. The organization of the 1870s did not hope for an uprising, but sought to destroy the existing state system by killing the most prominent representatives of power, including the emperor. In the 1870s, individual terror became the main tactic of the organization.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 2. Why did the participants of the "going to the people" fail to achieve their goals?

The peasants were not ready for an uprising. They valued their property and did not want to lose it. In addition, they believed in a good king and did not think to rebel against him. To top it all, they did not trust strangers from the city - and even teachers with paramedics, who were respected, still remained strangers.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 3. What tactics did Narodnaya Volya follow? Give a moral and ethical assessment of the activities of the Narodnaya Volya in the late 1870s.

Narodnaya Volya turned to the tactics of individual terror. At the same time, many strangers died - guard soldiers, courtiers, and sometimes just passers-by. In my opinion, it is unacceptable to achieve one's goals by killing even representatives of state power, all the more immoral was the inattention to random victims.

But most importantly, all these deaths were initially meaningless. The state system, as a rule, is built in such a way as to survive even in the event of the death of a significant part of its representatives. Such situations were possible, for example, during wars, and it was wars that largely forged the existing system of power. Others inevitably took the place of the killed officials. The imperial family tree, in contrast to the era of palace coups, was branched, so there was little hope of causing a serious crisis of power.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 4. Highlight the main ideas of the Loris-Melikov project. Determine the meaning of the project.

The implementation of the project gradually changed the attitude in society towards revolutionaries and official authorities, therefore it could make terrorists outcasts. In addition, the project paved the way for the continuation of reforms, which in the future could lead to the transformation of the political system and the economic situation of the majority of the population. This, in turn, under the most fortunate combination of circumstances, could prevent the emergence of a revolutionary situation at the beginning of the twentieth century.

The main ideas of the project were:

Relaxation of censorship;

More loyal to the zemstvos and the general population policy on the ground;

Creation of preparatory commissions from representatives of both bureaucracy and zemstvos;

Introduction to the State Council of representatives of zemstvos and city dumas;

Improving the efficiency of police work.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 5. Among the liberal figures of the 1860-1870s. there were those who, having started working in the zemstvos, soon became disillusioned with the reforms and joined the radical camp, and those who continued to work despite the obstacles. Guess what guided the first and second. Whose position do you think is more correct? Explain why.

Those who turned to the radical direction are tired of the routine and the feeling of the futility of their actions. They saw that the small things they did did not lead to big changes. For example, all their good undertakings could be destroyed with one stroke of the governor's pen. I can understand them, but not accept their position. Because radicalism in the conditions of that time also did not lead to changes, because the radicals were defeated, but it deprived them of the opportunity to do those small good deeds with which they started.

Those who continued to work in zemstvos and similar bodies either hoped that “a drop wears away a stone,” or stopped thinking about all-Russian issues and focused on current affairs, on being useful to people in specific issues. This position seems to be more attractive because in the end it brought more benefits to specific people.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 6. Prepare a report on how the members of the "Narodnaya Volya" organized an assassination attempt on the emperor. Please rate their performance. Can political assassinations lead to positive results? Explain your opinion.

Several assassination attempts were organized on the emperor in a short time. It all started with the shots of a loner Dmitry Karakozov from a revolver. But gradually the ideas became more ambitious, including the explosion of the imperial train. Compared to them, the really successful assassination attempt went according to a relatively modest plan.

In December 1880, Yuri Bogdanovich and Anna Yakimova rented a cheese shop under the name of the Kobozevs in the basement of house number 8 on Malaya Sadovaya Street. From it they began to dig under the street along which the route of the imperial cartage passed. It was supposed to lay a mine in the dig. The excavated earth was hidden in tubs, covering with literally a couple of layers of cheese heads.

The policemen were checking the cheese shop, one of them even went up to the tub and stirred up the cheese heads. This and some other facts brought to life today a controversial version, as if the police knew about the impending assassination attempt, but did not prevent it. This is also evidenced by the fact that all participants in the terrorist act were taken immediately after it, as if according to pre-prepared lists. Allegedly, some conservative guards wanted to remove the objectionable emperor by terrorists, believing that his son would untie their hands and allow them to really take on the revolutionaries. Under Alexander III, the Narodnaya Volya organizations were indeed quite quickly defeated.

On February 27 (March 11), 1881, the police arrested the head of the group, Andrei Zhelyabov - if among the law enforcement officers there were those interested in the death of the emperor, the circle of such persons would be clearly narrow. Sofya Perovskaya (Zhelyabov's common-law wife) took over the leadership of the assassination attempt.

On the day of the assassination attempt, the emperor went the other way, so they used a backup plan - they placed the bombers along the route.

The first bomb thrown by Nikolai Rysakov killed several guards, damaged the crew, but did not touch the emperor. Despite all the persuasion, Alexander II did not immediately go to the palace, but left the carriage and asked the bomber something and, apparently, wanted to encourage the wounded Circassians from the escort. Then Ignatius Grinevitsky, who was standing nearby, threw a second bomb, which inflicted a mortal wound on the emperor. Today, Grinevitsky, like all outsiders, would immediately be taken away from the cordoned off site of the first explosion, but then the guards did not have such instructions.

Political assassinations usually don't work. There are exceptions. For example, the removal of Adolf Hitler in 1932 could have prevented the rise of the Nazis to power and possibly World War II. Therefore, murder is always immoral, but in politics it is also necessary to evaluate the effectiveness of the case.

The assassination of Alexander II did not and could not bring the desired result by the revolutionaries. The emperor had sons, as well as brothers and nephews, whose order of succession to the throne was predetermined. In such a situation, the death of the monarch cannot cause a dynastic crisis, and hence a crisis of power. The actions of the terrorists were initially meaningless and, if only for this reason, reprehensible.

NATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS POLICY OF ALEXANDER II. THE NATIONAL QUESTION IN EUROPE AND IN RUSSIA

(Material for independent work and project activities)

Question to point IV. Remember when and under what circumstances the Caucasian war began.

The Caucasian war began in 1817 with the spread of the religious movement of Muridism in these lands, and local preachers placed particular emphasis on the war against the infidels (that is, with the Orthodox Russian authorities). Under the influence of this propaganda, the population often spontaneously rose to fight, and only in 1829 was an imamate formed.

Question to point VII. Remember who the Old Believers are.

Old Believers were those Orthodox who did not accept the church reforms of Patriarch Nikon in the middle of the 17th century.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 1. What was the national question in Europe in the second half of the 19th century?

The national question in Europe was the struggle of nations for self-determination, sometimes demanding liberation from foreign domination (in the case of Hungary, Ireland, Serbia, the Czech Republic, Brittany, etc.), or the unification of the nation within a single state (in the case of Italy, Germany, the Iberian Peninsula and etc.).

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 2. What were the goals of the Polish Uprising of 1863-1864? Have you been able to achieve them? How did the uprising end?

Basic goals:

Restoration of an independent Commonwealth within the borders of 1772 (the goal was supported by both "whites" and "reds");

The liberation of peasants with land without a ransom (supported only by the "reds").

Independence was not achieved, but the peasant reform was carried out almost on the terms of the rebels, however, by the Russian government. As a result of the uprising, the remnants of the autonomy of the Polish lands were liquidated, an active policy of Russification began to be carried out there, and subsequently part of the reforms of Alexander II were not extended to them.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 3. Why were Cossack troops formed on the Caucasian border lands?

The Cossack troops were created as a counterbalance to the local highlanders, the backbone of the central government. In addition, the Cossacks were a military class, and the government probably expected that they would be the first line of defense in the event of a new uprising against Russia.

Question for working with the text of paragraph No. 4. What are western provinces? Name their main centers. What were the features of government policy in this region in the 1860s-1870s?

Western provinces were called the lands of the former Commonwealth, which were not part of the Kingdom of Poland, today these are the territories of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. The main centers there were Vilna (modern Vilnius) and Kyiv. There, the policy of the authorities was aimed at the Russification of the common people and against the Catholic landlords. Therefore, after the uprising of 1863, which spread to these lands, measures similar to Poland proper were taken there, in particular, to revise the peasant reform in favor of the peasants.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 1. How did the uprising of the Poles in the Russian Empire affect the policy of the central government in the territory of the former Kingdom of Poland?

Active Russification began on these lands (printing in the Latin alphabet was prohibited, the government changed the teaching program in all educational institutions, etc.), a number of measures were also taken against the Catholic Church and the Catholic nobility.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 2. Prepare a presentation on the topic "Nationalities in Russia in the second half of the 19th century." using photographs from the 19th century.

Title: Nationalities in Russia in the second half of the 19th century.

Title: Russians

Image: Russian peasant

Text: Russians were the titular nation, they made up the majority of the population of the empire and lived in most provinces. In addition, it was in the second half of the 19th century that they settled in new territories. Many non-Russian nationalities tried to Russify.

Title: Peoples of the Far North and Far East

Image: northern hunter in winter outfit

Text: The lands near the Arctic Circle were of little interest to the empire because of their too harsh climate, and the Far East was too difficult to access before the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Therefore, the peoples in these lands lived in the same way as thousands of years before.

Title: Small Peoples of the Interior

Image: image of a Kazan Tatar in national costume

Text: Many non-Russian peoples of the Volga, Urals, Siberia and other regions have been under Russian rule since the 16th-17th centuries. By the second half of the 19th century, they were integrated into the system of the empire and largely assimilated, although the largest ones, such as the Tatars, retained their national identity.

Title: Steppe nomads

Image: steppe equestrian nomad in national costume.

Text: Numerous nomadic peoples lived in the steppes. Many of them were annexed to Russia only in the 19th century. For the most part, they continued to live, as they had centuries before. But more and more alien farmers from other provinces (mostly Russians) appeared on their lands, who were intentionally resettled there by the Russian government.

Title: West End

Image: Ukrainian in national costume.

Text: On the lands of modern Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine, a policy of Russification was carried out, their peasants were considered Russian. But at the same time, their own national identity was formed there, which will play an important role in the twentieth century.

Title: Poles

Image: Yasnogorsk Monastery

Text: The Poles retained their national identity and their culture, not only peasant, but also elitist. They were considered the most recalcitrant people in the empire, incorrigible rebels. And they justified this title, not only by raising uprisings. Volunteer Poles fought on the side of the Turks in several wars against Russia: the Catholics even agreed to support the Muslims in order to harm the Russians.

Title: Peoples of the Baltic

Image: Latvian in national costume

Text: For centuries, the urban population and the elite in the Baltics were Germans. They were the bearers of culture. But in the 19th century, the actual Latvian and Estonian national identity awakened, which in the next century allowed these people to form their own states.

Name: Germans

Image: Protestant church

Text: Among the Germans of the Russian Empire there were both residents of the Baltic states and immigrants from other principalities of Germany. Especially a lot of them came during the reign of Catherine II, because the empress created the necessary conditions for this, hoping to populate the Black Sea steppes. They served the empire, but for the most part they retained their own language and culture, and not folk, but elitist, not inferior in development to Russian.

Title: Finns

Image: Finn in national costume

Text: The Finns actually had their own state with all institutions, simply subordinate to Russia. At the time of formation, the Grand Duchy of Finland was rather a fragment of Sweden. But during the 19th century, national consciousness awakened there and the principality became Finnish.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 3. What was the difficulty in managing the Caucasian lands?

When managing the North Caucasus, it was necessary to take into account the religion and national characteristics of the local population, the government tried not to interfere in the customs and lifestyle of the highlanders, demanding only loyalty from them. They were not subject to conscription into the army, but the service was considered as a privilege that was granted to the elite, and Caucasians served in special combat units, where there were people only from this region (as an example, we can name the Life Guards Caucasian-Mountain half-squadron as part of His Own Imperial Majesty the Convoy, during the First World War, the Caucasian native cavalry division, better known as the "Wild Division", became famous.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 4. How did the Caucasian war end?

The Caucasian war ended with the pacification of the rebellious regions. At the same time, the government made significant concessions, demanding almost nothing from the mountaineers except loyalty. The leader of the uprising, Imam Shamil, was not even punished. He was raised to the hereditary nobility and settled with a decent content in Kaluga, later in Kyiv, he personally met with the emperor several times.

We think, compare, reflect: question number 5. What is the Synodal Translation of the Bible? What was the significance of translating the Bible into the common language?

Synodal translation into modern Russian at that time was the one that was carried out under the control of the Holy Governing Synod.

Such a translation made the Bible accessible to the understanding of a wider range of people. However, it did not cause major changes in society, partly because people were already accustomed to living according to the prescriptions of the church and were not inclined to analyze them, comparing them with the text of Holy Scripture, and partly because secularization was spreading in society (a departure from religious prescriptions towards secular outlook).

We think, compare, reflect: question number 6. Using additional literature and the Internet, collect information about one of the historical figures mentioned in the paragraph.

Alexander Ignacy Velopolsky was born in 1803. The Velopolskys were a magnate family. In the 17th-18th centuries, it was precisely such clans that ruled the Commonwealth, all of their representatives, simply by the position of the family in society, could not help but receive one or another post, and the majority replaced many of them in their life. With the accession to the Russian Empire, their position has changed somewhat, but still, for the most part, the magnates ruled the Kingdom of Poland, especially since the Russian authorities tried to rely on local natives here. Therefore, the offspring of magnate families from childhood were prepared for state activity.

Alexander Ignacy lost his father at the age of 12, but this did not make him an orphan - mutual assistance existed even in the families of the middle gentry, especially in magnates. The young man was educated at the universities of Warsaw, Paris and Göttingen. He entered the service of the Russian Empire, but he hardly even knew the Russian language - French was quite enough in a noble society.

In 1830, Wielopolsky became a deputy of the Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland, and was in the camp of conservatives. Polish conservatives should not be confused with Russians - the former sought to maintain the old ways of the Commonwealth, including its independence, and were sharply opposed to the empire. Therefore, it is not surprising that Alexander Ignacy supported the uprising of 1830. However, he did not participate in the battles: Velopolsky, who was educated in a European way and knew the high society, was sent to London for help to the rebels. The mission ended in vain, but lasted all the months of the uprising.

Velopolsky did not hide his own participation in anti-Russian activities, even published a pamphlet about his mission in London in 1831. But formally, he did not oppose the Russian Empire with weapons in his hands, therefore he did not suffer punishment and calmly returned to the estate, where he was engaged in farming and periodically published articles. He always considered himself not a subject of the Russian Empire, but a citizen of the Commonwealth, albeit divided among other states, therefore, for example, he vividly reacted to the uprising of peasants in Galicia (on the territory of the Austrian Empire) in 1846, writing a pamphlet Lettre d'un gentilhomme polonais au prince de Metternich (Letter from a Polish nobleman to Prince Metternich).

In 1861, Velepolsky was appointed chairman of the commission of spiritual affairs and public education, soon visited St. Petersburg and was able to achieve the support of the court, as a result of which he was appointed assistant to the governor Konstantin Nikolayevich for the civil part and vice chairman of the state council. The governor of the Kingdom of Poland, the brother of the emperor Konstantin Nikolayevich, had previously been a naval officer and did a lot to reform the fleet after the Crimean War, being a liberal more than Alexander II, he actively participated in the preparation of the peasant reform, but understood little about Polish affairs, therefore he relied heavily on his assistant.

Velepolsky, with the support of Konstantin Nikolaevich, carried out liberal reforms. He replaced serfdom with dues for temporarily liable peasants, equalized the rights of Jews with other peoples, reformed the education system; it was he who founded the Warsaw Main School - the first institution of higher education in the Kingdom of Poland since the 1830s (instead, there were 8-grade gymnasiums with a partially university program for the last years of study).

Meanwhile, in the lands of the former Commonwealth (not only in the Kingdom of Poland), an uprising was actively preparing. Radical revolutionaries (the so-called "Reds") were unfavorable to liberal reforms - such alleged half-measures could satisfy the majority of the population and turn away from the idea of \u200b\u200buprising. Wiełopolski sought contacts with the more moderate wing (the so-called "whites"), urging them to abandon their plans and take part in peaceful reforms.

On June 21, 1862, an attempt was made on Konstantin Nikolayevich, but despite a pistol shot at point-blank range, he was only slightly wounded. On July 26 and August 3, assassination attempts on Velopolsky followed, which he successfully survived. In response, the authorities did not apply mass repressions, they compiled lists of the most active revolutionaries with the help of undercover work - they conspired much worse than the later Russian Narodnaya Volya. At the beginning of 1863, Velepolsky initiated a recruitment, in the lists of which he included the identified people.

It was this recruitment that became the catalyst: the members of the secret committees decided to strike before the recruits were taken to Russia and raised a riot. Velopolsky went abroad. He was objectionable neither to the rebels, who accused him of collaborating with Russia, nor to the emperor, who dismissed him from all posts. The revolutionaries wanted a completely independent republic instead of half-measures in the form of liberal reforms, and St. Petersburg decided to speak the language of force with Poland and did not even carry out many of the reforms carried out in other provinces of the empire there. Supporters of gradual liberalization without open resistance to the empire were not needed by any of the camps.

Velopolsky never returned from emigration. He lived in Dresden, where he died in 1877.

The domestic policy of Alexander II did not bring political peace to Russia. Despite his far-reaching social and administrative reforms, he faced fierce opposition and an open revolutionary movement.

Political opposition came primarily from the nobility.

There was an idea that the nobility, having lost their social and economic privileges, should receive political privileges in return. This idea arose among the members of the provincial committees, who were dissatisfied with the radicalism of the editorial commissions.

In addition to the political programs of the nobility, as a continuation of the tradition of the Decembrists, other projects were put forward that provided for the transformation of Russia in a constitutional and democratic direction.

A revolutionary idea arose among raznochintsy.

These were the children of peasants and merchants (educated); clergy children who refused to be priests; children of petty officials, and children of impoverished nobles. Raznochintsy quickly formed a new social class - the intelligentsia, which included many nobles. Their number grew rapidly, who were connected with newspapers, or universities.

The leaders of the intelligentsia desired a social revolution, although Russian industry was underdeveloped and could not provide the basis for socialism. They criticized the government for not being radical enough. Harsh criticism was given in the revolutionary organs abroad.

The most famous of them was The Bell, published by Alexander Herzen in London.

Revolutionary propaganda was conducted in harsh tones. The proclamation "Young Russia" in 1862 called for terror - the murders of members of the government. A number of arsons took place in St. Petersburg. The government arrested and exiled several leaders of the radicals.

The activity of Russian revolutionaries was connected with the movement in Poland.

The Polish Revolution broke out in 1863.

Immediately before this, the government began to pursue a liberal policy in Poland and placed the reforms in the hands of an outstanding Polish figure, Marquis Alexander Wielopolski.

Radical elements in Poland decided to sabotage this reform. The uprising was suppressed by military force, after which the last remnants of Polish independence were liquidated.

The Kingdom of Poland received its official name - Privislenskie provinces.

In 1864, a land reform was carried out under the supervision of Milyutin and Cherkassky. They carried it out more successfully than in Russia. Thanks to this, the Polish peasants remained loyal to the Russian government until the World War.

The Polish uprising influenced the evolution of the opposition and revolutionary movement in Russia. It raised the patriotism of the people and strengthened the government.

Russian revolutionary leaders associated with the Polish uprising lost their prestige in Russia. Karakozov's attempt to assassinate Emperor Alexander II in 1866 was a separate act, a small group.

A new wave of anti-government activity took place in the 1870s. In intellectual circles, a desire was expressed for elected representation not only in local government (zemstvo and city), but also higher. The reforms were to be completed by the creation of a parliament.

This movement especially intensified after the war with Turkey in 1877-1878. When the liberated Bulgaria received a constitution, the activity of revolutionary organizations intensified.

From 1870 to 1875 the radical intelligentsia refrained from fighting the government but undertook propaganda among the masses. Many intellectuals went "to the people". They lived among peasants and workers, worked in schools and became workers in the countryside or in industry.

Fearing the consequences of propaganda, the government arrested revolutionaries. Many were imprisoned and exiled on one suspicion of the police. Government measures have caused bitterness among the intelligentsia. Among them were revolutionaries who began to use terror and prepare murders.

In 1879, in Lipetsk (center of Russia), the leaders of the revolutionary movement held a secret meeting. An Executive Committee was elected to overthrow the government.

The committee decided to stop all assassination attempts on individual officials and concentrate all efforts on the assassination of Alexander II.

Alexander II became the object of the hunt. Unsuccessful attempts were made one after another at an accelerating pace, until one of them ended in the death of the emperor on March 1 in St. Petersburg.

The assassination of Alexander II took place on the very day that he signed the approval of the Committee of Representatives in aid of the Council of State.

It was the so-called "constitution of Loris-Melikov" (Minister of the Interior). In his opinion, the revolutionaries enjoyed the moral support of the moderate classes of society because of their dissatisfaction with the autocracy of the government. He believed that the government should satisfy the moderates by granting a constitution. This measure, he believed, should deprive the revolutionaries of the moral sympathy of these classes.

The assassination of the king prevented the implementation of this plan. Alexander III rejected the constitutional plan and the statement signed by Alexander II was never published.

Send your good work in the knowledge base is simple. Use the form below

Students, graduate students, young scientists who use the knowledge base in their studies and work will be very grateful to you.

Hosted at http://www.allbest.ru/

Alexander II Nikolaevich

He went down in Russian history as a conductor of large-scale reforms. He was awarded a special epithet in Russian pre-revolutionary historiography - in connection with the abolition of serfdom (according to the manifesto of February 19, 1861).

Peasant movement

Peasant movement since the late 50s. fueled by constant rumors about the impending release. If in 1851-1855. there were 287 peasant unrest, then in 1856-1859. - 1341.

The greatest number of unrest falls on March - July 1861, when the disobedience of the peasants was registered in 1176 estates. In 337 estates, military commands were used to pacify the peasants. The largest clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In 1862-1863. the wave of peasant uprisings noticeably subsided. In 1864 open disturbances of peasants were registered only in 75 estates.

Since the mid 70s. the peasant movement again begins to gain strength under the influence of land scarcity, the severity of payments and duties. The consequences of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 also affected, and in 1879-1880. the poor harvest caused famine. The number of peasant unrest grew mainly in the central, eastern and southern provinces. The unrest among the peasants was intensified by the rumors about the impending new redistribution of land. Meanwhile, in its agrarian policy, the government tried to preserve its patriarchal way of life by regulating peasant life. After the abolition of serfdom, the process of disintegration of the peasant family proceeded rapidly, and the number of family divisions grew.

liberal movement

liberal movement late 50s - early 60s. was the widest and had many different shades. But one way or another, the liberals stood for the peaceful establishment of constitutional forms of government, for political and civil freedoms, and for the enlightenment of the people.

A peculiar phenomenon of Russian liberalism was the position of the Tver provincial nobility, which, even during the preparation and discussion of the peasant reform, came up with a constitutional project. And in 1862, the Tver noble assembly recognized the unsatisfactoriness of the "Regulations on February 19", the need for the immediate redemption of peasant allotments with the help of the state.

The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal leaders spent in the late 70s. several all-zemstvo congresses, to which the government reacted rather neutrally.

In the conditions of the political crisis at the turn of the 50s - 60s. stepped up their activities revolutionary democrats - radical wing of the opposition. The ideological center of this trend has been since 1859 the journal Sovremennik, which was led by H.G.Chernyshevsky and Ya.A. Dobrolyubov (1836-1861).

Strengthening peasant unrest during the period of the reform. The year 1861 instilled in the leaders of the radical direction the hope that a peasant revolution in Russia would be possible. The revolutionary democrats distributed leaflets that called on the peasants, young students, and soldiers to prepare for the fight.

In late 1861 - early 1862, a group of revolutionary populists created the first conspiratorial revolutionary organization of all-Russian significance after the defeat of the Decembrists. Her inspirers were Herzen and Chernyshevsky. The organization was named Land and freedom. She was engaged in the distribution of illegal literature, led the preparations for the uprising, scheduled for 1863.

In the middle of 1862, the government, having enlisted the support of the liberals, launched a broad repressive campaign against the revolutionary democrats. Sovremennik was closed (until 1863). Recognized leaders of the radicals - N.G. Chernyshevsky, N.A. Serno-Solovyevich and D.I. Pisarev were arrested.

After the arrest of its leaders and the failure of plans for an armed uprising, prepared by the branches of "Land and Freedom" in the Volga region, its Central People's Committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the organization's activities.

In the 60s. on the wave of rejection of the existing order, the ideology of nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, religion, the nihilists called themselves materialists and preached "selfishness based on reason".

At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel by N.G. Chernyshevsky “What to do?” (1862), artels, workshops, communes arose, hoping to prepare the socialist transformation of society through the development of collective labor. Having failed, they disintegrated or switched to illegal activities.

In the 70s. there were several close currents of utopian socialism, called " populism." The Narodniks believed that thanks to the peasant community and the qualities of the communal peasant, Russia would be able to cross directly. to the socialist system. The views of the theoreticians of populism (M.A. Bakunin, P.N. Tkachev) differed in matters of tactics, but they all saw the main obstacle to socialism in state power and believed that a secret organization, revolutionary leaders should raise the people to revolt and lead them to victory.

In the spring of 1874, thousands of members of populist organizations went to the villages. Most of them aimed at the speedy preparation of a peasant uprising. They gathered gatherings, spoke about the oppression of the people, called "to disobey the authorities. "Going to the people" continued for several years and covered more than 50 provinces of Russia.

A.A. Kvyatkovsky, N.N. Kolodkevich, A.D. Mikhailov, N.A. Morozov, S.L. Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, M.F. Frolenko in 1879, hoping to cause a political crisis and raise the people, committed a number of terrorist acts. The death sentence for Alexander II was passed by the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya" in August 1879. After several unsuccessful assassination attempts March 1, 1881 in St. Petersburg, Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by I.I. Grinevitsky.

Social movement

The democratization of the system of public education, the emergence of a large number of specialists with higher education from the nobility and raznochintsy significantly expanded the circle intelligentsia. This is a small stratum of society, closely associated with social groups professionally engaged in mental work (intellectuals), but does not merge with them. Distinctive features of the intelligentsia were high ideological commitment and a principled focus on actively opposing traditional state principles, based on a rather peculiar perception of Western ideas.

December 3, 1855 was closed the Supreme Censorship Committee, about weakened censorship rules.

Polish uprising of 1863

In 1860-1861. a wave of mass demonstrations commemorated the anniversary of the uprising of 1830 swept throughout the Kingdom of Poland. Martial law was introduced in Poland, mass arrests were carried out. At the same time, certain concessions were made: the State Council was restored, the university in Warsaw was reopened, etc. In this situation, secret youth circles arose, calling on the urban strata of the population to an armed uprising.Polish society was divided into two parties.The supporters of the uprising were called "Reds". The "Whites" - the landowners and the big bourgeoisie - hoped to achieve the restoration of an independent Poland through diplomatic means.

The uprising broke out in Poland on January 22, 1863. The immediate reason was the decision of the authorities to conduct in mid-January 1863 in Polish cities and towns, according to pre-prepared lists, a recruitment of persons suspected of revolutionary activity. The Central Committee of the "Reds" decided on an immediate action. Military operations developed spontaneously. The “whites”, who soon came to lead the uprising, relied on the support of the Western European powers. Despite the note from England and France demanding an end to the bloodshed in Poland, the suppression of the uprising continued. Prussia supported Russia. Russian troops under the command of General F.F. Berg entered the fight against the rebel groups in Poland. In Lithuania and Belarus, the troops were led by the Vilna Governor-General M.N. Muravyov ("The Hanger").

On March 1, Alexander II canceled the temporarily obligated relations of peasants, reduced quitrent payments by 2.0% in Lithuania, Belarus and Western Ukraine. Taking as a basis the agrarian decrees of the Polish rebels, the government announced a land reform during the hostilities. Having lost the support of the peasantry as a result, the Polish uprising by the autumn of 1864 suffered a final defeat.

labor movement

labor movement 60s was not significant. Cases of passive resistance and protest prevailed - filing complaints or simply fleeing the factories. Due to serf traditions and the absence of special labor legislation, a strict regime of exploitation of hired labor was established. The usual demand was to reduce fines, raise wages, and improve working conditions. From the 70s. labor movement is gradually increasing. Along with unrest, not accompanied by the cessation of work, the filing of collective complaints.

Unlike the peasant labor movement was more organized. The activities of the Narodniks played a significant role in the creation of the first workers' circles. Already in 1875. under the guidance of former student E.O. Zaslavsky in Odessa arose " South Russian Union of Workers" (crushed by the authorities at the end of the same year). The unions carried out propaganda among the workers and set as their goal a revolutionary struggle "against the existing political and economic system."

The industrial crisis of the early 80s. and the depression that followed it created mass unemployment and poverty. The owners of enterprises widely practiced mass layoffs, lowering rates for work, increasing fines, and the working and living conditions of workers worsened. Cheap female and child labor was widely used. There were no restrictions on working hours. There was no labor protection. leading to an increase in accidents. At the same time, there were no injury benefits or workers' insurance.

Economic strikes and labor unrest in the early 1980s. generally did not go beyond individual enterprises. played an important role in the development of the mass labor movement strike at the Nikolskaya Morozov Manufactory (Orekhovv-Zuevo) in January 1885 it was attended by about 8 thousand people. The strike was prearranged. The workers made demands not only to the owner of the enterprise, but also to the government. The government took measures to stop the strike and at the same time put pressure on the owners of the manufactory, seeking to satisfy individual workers' demands and prevent future unrest.

Under the influence of the Morozov strike, the government adopted 3 June 1885 law" On the supervision of the establishments of the factory industry and on the mutual relations of manufacturers and workers. The law partly regulated the procedure for hiring and firing workers, somewhat streamlined the system of fines, and established penalties for participation in strikes.

Hosted on Allbest.ru

Organization, years of existence	Members	The nature of society, methods	Goals
Union of Salvation (since 1817 - the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland) 1816-1817	The initiator of the creation is Ants. Entered: N. M. Muravyov, brothers Muravyov-Apostles, S.P. Trubetskoy, P. I. Pestel	Conspiratorial character, conspiracy; there are no clear means. (At the time of the change of kings, uproot the constitution; the first draft of regicide)	The introduction of the constitution, the abolition of serfdom. But there is no clear program of transformations.
Welfare Union	About 200 people	More open character. Propandist-educational activity, bloodless political coup	Near - educational: the formation of advanced public opinion, the dissemination of the true rules of morality and education. Further - the introduction of a constitution and lawful free government, equality of citizens before the law, publicity in public affairs and legal proceedings, the destruction of serfdom, recruitment and military settlements.
northern society	N. M. Muravyov, N. I. Turgenev, M. S. Lunin, S. P. Trubetskoy, E. P. Obolensky, I. I. Pushchin, K. F. Ryleev.	Secret society.	The establishment of a constitutional monarchy, Russia - a federation. The emperor is the executive power, the "supreme official". The highest legislative power is a bicameral parliament - the People's Council (the Supreme Duma and the House of People's Representatives). All positions in the state are elected. The abolition of serfdom (but the bulk of the land belongs to the landowners). Equality of all before the law, the destruction of estates. Introduction of civil rights and freedoms.
Southern Society	P. I. Pestel, A. P. Yushnevsky, Kryukov brothers, B. I. Ivashev, A. P. Baryatinsky, S. G. Volkonsky, S. I. Muravyov-Apostol, M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin.	Secret society. Armed performance during the change of emperors on the throne.	The establishment of the republic, Russia - a single state. Separation of powers: legislative - to the unicameral parliament - the People's Council, executive - to the Sovereign Duma, controlling - to the Supreme Council. The abolition of serfdom, the division of all lands into public and private. The destruction of estates, the proclamation of civil liberties.

Public organizations under Alexander 2. Social movements. The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

Send your good work in the knowledge base is simple. Use the form below

Alexander II Nikolaevich

He went down in Russian history as a conductor of large-scale reforms. He was awarded a special epithet in Russian pre-revolutionary historiography - in connection with the abolition of serfdom (according to the manifesto of February 19, 1861).

Peasant movement

Peasant movement since the late 50s. fueled by constant rumors about the impending release. If in 1851-1855. there were 287 peasant unrest, then in 1856-1859. - 1341.

liberal movement

liberal movement late 50s - early 60s. was the widest and had many different shades. But one way or another, the liberals stood for the peaceful establishment of constitutional forms of government, for political and civil freedoms, and for the enlightenment of the people.

The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal leaders spent in the late 70s. several all-zemstvo congresses, to which the government reacted rather neutrally.

After the arrest of its leaders and the failure of plans for an armed uprising, prepared by the branches of "Land and Freedom" in the Volga region, its Central People's Committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the organization's activities.

In the 60s. on the wave of rejection of the existing order, the ideology of nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, religion, the nihilists called themselves materialists and preached "selfishness based on reason".

Social movement

December 3, 1855 was closed the Supreme Censorship Committee, about weakened censorship rules.

Polish uprising of 1863

labor movement

Similar Documents

New on site

Can I leave the pacifier in my baby's mouth at night or is it better to remove it?

Switching voltage regulators MC34063A, MC33063A, NCV33063A

Poems in English with translation

Another homemade LED lamp Preparation of materials and parts

Diagnostics for identifying creative abilities in younger students

Most popular

Homemade driver for powerful LEDs

Tongue twisters for the development of speech for a baby of any age Logopedic tongue twisters 3 5 years

DIY Projector: Easy and Affordable Ways to Build Projectors at Home

Power standards and other concepts of sound engineering

September 23 this day in history

POPULAR SECTIONS