~ United Front of Workers
~ All-Union Society "Unity - for Leninism and Communist Ideals". "Bolshevik Platform in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"
~ Marxist platform in the KPSS
Communist organizations of the "second wave"
~ All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks
~ Russian Communist Workers' Party
~ Movement "Labor Russia"
~ Union of Communists
~ Russian Party of Communists
~ Communist Party of the Russian Federation
~ Union of Communist Parties (UPC-KPSS)
~ Roskomsoyuz
~ Union of Popular Resistance
Other communist organizations
~ S. Skvortsov's organizations
~ Komsomol organizations
~~~~~~ Komsomol
~~~~~~ Russian Communist Youth Union
~ Russian Communist Party (RCP-KPSS)
~ Workers 'and Peasants' Russian Party
~ Leninist position in the communist movement
~ Stalinist organizations
~ Independent Marxists
~~~~~~ Marxist Labor Party - Party of the dictatorship of the proletariat and its successors.
~~~~~~ Democratic Labor Party (Marxist).
~~~~~~ The party of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
~~~~~~ Public-political association "Rabochy".
~ Trotskyist movement.
~~~~~~ Committee for Labor Democracy and International Socialism
~~~~~~ Socialist Workers' Union
~~~~~~ Working Struggle Group
~~~~~~ International Communist League of the IV International (Spartacists)
The communist movement is the most consistent exponent of anti-reformist ideology and occupies the opposite flank of the democratic flank of the political spectrum of Russia. The communists not only deny the need for liberal reforms, but also openly demand that the country return to its "original" state, and not even to the pre-August state, but to the "pre-Gorbachev" state, and often to the "Dobrezhnev" and "pre-Khrushchev" state.
At the same time, it should be noted that it was precisely the liberalization of the country's political life that allowed the Russian communist movement to become an independent political force. The CPSU's monopoly on power did not leave the communist movement such an opportunity, not only in organizational terms, but also in ideological terms. Organizationally, because the CPSU was, in fact, not a political, but a state structure, and the existence of independent factions and platforms within it was prohibited by a resolution adopted at the 10th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (1921). Ideologically, because the CPSU eliminated the diversity of the political spectrum during the years of the civil war and thereby de-ideologized the country's social life, not only outlawing non-communist movements and “abolishing” various shades of communist thought, but also making communist orthodoxy itself unnecessary. The latter was able to obtain the ground for an independent ideological and later organizational existence only thanks to the very "deviation from principles" against which it so vehemently opposed.
It was precisely the weakening of the CPSU's monopoly on power that created both a pretext and an opportunity for the emergence of the first orthodox communist and neo-communist proto-organizations: the United Front of Workers (May 1989), the Unity Society (July 1989), the Marxist Platform in the CPSU (January 1990), Movement of the Communist Initiative (April 1990), "The Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU" (October 1990). Formally, all of them had nothing to do with the structures of the CPSU, but in reality their creation was sanctioned by the most conservative part of the party nomenclature. On the basis of these associations, after August 1991, a number of communist parties of varying degrees of orthodoxy were created - from the Stalinist All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks (formed on the basis of Unity and the Bolshevik Platform) and the Russian Communist Workers' Party (based on the Communist Initiative Movement) to the neo-communist Union of Communists and the Russian Party of Communists (based on the "Marxist Platform"). Throughout 1992, various newly formed organizations of a communist orientation repeatedly made attempts to restore a single Communist Party, but they, as a rule, did not succeed due to the claims of each organization for hegemony in the unification process.
The first such attempt was made by the All-Union Committee of Communists headed by S. Skvortsov. In July 1992, this committee held the so-called XXIX Congress of the CPSU. However, the rest of the communist organizations in Russia did not recognize the decisions of this congress. Another attempt was made by the Union of Communists, whose leaders, having gathered 46 (out of more than 400 members) of the "old" Central Committee of the CPSU, held in June 1992 the so-called. "plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU", which caused a protest from other communist organizations. At the plenum, the "Organizing Committee of the CPSU Central Committee" was formed, which in October 1992 convened the so-called. "XX Party Conference of the CPSU", and on March 26-27, 1993 - "XXIX Congress of the CPSU". The congress approved the new name of the party - "Union of Communist Parties - Communist Party of the Soviet Union". The former secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, a member of the State Emergency Committee, Oleg Shenin, became the leader of the UPC-KPSS.
Such unification attempts met with the most severe resistance from the largest communist organization at that time - the RCWP, which insisted that the unification of Russian communists take place precisely on its basis - through the entry of the other communist parties into the RCWP. This demand was, in particular, put forward by the party at a meeting organized by the PKK of representatives of republican and regional communist parties operating in the territory of the former USSR (August 8-9, 1992). Most of the participants in the meeting refused to join the RCWP and decided to create a Russian Coordination and Consultative Council - the so-called. Roskomsoveta, tasked with holding a unification conference. For this purpose, the "Initiative Committee for the Convocation of the Congress of Communists of Russia" was formed, for which a group of members of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR headed by V. Kuptsov was invited. At first, the majority in the Roskomsovet belonged to the RKWP and the Socialist Party of Workers, but later the representatives of the RKWP were pushed into the background by the SPT activists. Even before the end of the work of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, which was considering the issue of the legality of the presidential decree banning the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, the Initiative Committee refused to sign an appeal calling for the revival of the CPSU and the restoration of the USSR, and from the organizing committee of the unification congress of communists actually turned into the organizing committee of the restoration congress of the Communist Party of Russia ... On February 13-14, 1993, the "II Extraordinary Congress of the RSFSR Communist Party (restoration and unification)" was held, at which the restoration of the RF Communist Party was announced, the leader of which was elected G. Zyuganov. A significant part of the local organizations of the SPT (about 90%) and the RCWP moved to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
At the same time, representatives of the RCWP, PKK and VKPB held an "alternative congress of the Communists of Russia", which recognized the RCWP as the legal successor of the Communist Party of the RSFSR and expelled the organizers of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (V. Kuptsov, G. Zyuganov, I. Antonovich, etc.) from the Communist Party of the RSFSR "for anti-communist liquidation activities." ... In August 1993, representatives of the RKRP, the Lenin Platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the AUCPB, the PKK and the Union of Communists decided to restore the Roskomsovet, which had suspended its activities after the re-establishment of the Communist Party.
In the future, relations between the various centers of the communist movement were complex and confusing. First of all, it should be pointed out that the communist parties created on the basis of "informal" communist organizations of the period 1989-91. and from the fall of 1992 to the beginning of 1993, the backbone of the Russian communist movement (RKRP, VKPB, PKK, SK, etc.), after the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the SKP-KPSS, again found themselves in the position of marginalized. Apparently, for ordinary communists it turned out to be very important to what extent the new communist parties could be considered the legal successors of the CPSU - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the SKP-KPSS were, as they say, direct heirs, while the succession of organizations grouped around the "restored" Roskomsovet was rather indirect. ... Significant disagreements existed between the RKS member parties, calling themselves "left communists," and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on issues of strategy and tactics. Thus, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation admitted the existence of private property, a multi-structured economy, a multi-party system and was rather cautious about the restoration of the "socialist system", trying to state its demands in the least possible "communist" language, for which it was criticized by the left-wing communists, who accused the Zyuganovites of " bourgeois opportunism "and for the most part demanded the full restoration of the" socialist planned economy "," the power of the working people ", etc. In addition, after the events of September-October 1993, the parties-members of the Roskomsovet advocated a boycott of the elections to the Federal Assembly, while the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took part in them and received representation in the State Duma.
As for the UPC-KPSS, it was not so much the third center of the communist movement as an arena of struggle between the "left" and "right". At first, of the Russian Communist Parties, only the Union of Communists of A. Prigarin, the "Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU" and the "Lenin Platform" R. Kosolapova, who left the RCWP, were members of the UPC-CPSU. In the spring of 1994, the RKWP joined the SKP-KPSS as an associate member (in March 1995 it became a full member). Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, who at first refused to participate in the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU," later, under pressure from ordinary members, were forced to establish contacts with the leadership of the UPC-KPSS. In May 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation made a decision to join the UPC-KPSS as an associate member, and in April 1994 it decided "to consider itself a component of the Union of Communist Parties while maintaining organizational independence, program and statutory documents." After that, the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994 accepted the Communist Party of the Russian Federation into its ranks. In March 1995, the PKK entered the SKP-KPSS as an associate member. Thus, by the spring of 1995, representatives of both the "left" and the "right" wing joined the Union of Communist Parties, turning the UPC-KPSS into a kind of arena for a showcase "battle." The Communist Party of the Russian Federation emerged victorious from it: by the beginning of 1995, its representatives had a majority in the Political Executive Committee of the UPC.
During the pre-election campaign in the II State Duma, the "left" (represented by the RCWP) and the "right" (represented by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) negotiated the possibility of creating a single communist electoral bloc (the decision on its formation was made in July 1995 by the XXX Congress of the UPC-CPSU) ... They managed to agree on the creation of a bloc called "Communists of Russia", but further negotiations reached an impasse. When discussing the issue of forming a federal list of the bloc, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation demanded to proceed from the number of both parties and offered the RCWP only a tenth of the places on the list. The RCWP did not accept this option. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation participated in the elections independently, and the RKRP, together with the Union of Communists (A. Prigarina), the Russian Communist Party (RCP-KPSS, created by A. Prigarin in April 1995) and the Russian Party of Communists, established at the end of August 1995. The electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union". At first, the intention to join the bloc was expressed by another radical communist organization - the Union of Popular Resistance (leader - S. Umalatova) (in this regard, the bloc itself was supposed to be called "Communists - Labor Russia - SNS"), but just before the establishment of the SNS bloc it refused from this intention, and took part in the creation of the electoral bloc "Our Future" (his electoral list was not registered by the CEC). One of the parts of the split VKPB (headed by N. Andreeva) was also invited to participate in the bloc, but that again, as in 1993, took a boycottist position. Another part of the VKPB (headed by A. Lapin) took part in the collection of signatures in support of another communist electoral association created on the basis of the Union of Communists of S. Stepanov - V. Markov (this association was unable to collect the 200 thousand signatures required for registration).
On December 17, 1995, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won the largest number of votes in elections both on federal lists (22.3%) and in single-mandate constituencies (58 people), thus gaining 157 seats in the State Duma of the II convocation. The "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union" bloc did not overcome the 5% barrier, gaining 4.53% of the vote, and only one candidate (V. Grigoriev) was elected in single-mandate constituencies.
On the eve of the presidential elections, most of the Russian communist parties supported the candidacy of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov (except for the VKPB N. Andreeva, who again decided to boycott the elections). At the same time, an agreement on joint actions in his support, apart from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the UPC-KPSS, was signed only by the Trudovaya Rossiya (V. Anpilov) and Trudovaya Moskva (M. Titov) movements. The rest of the left-wing communist parties announced that they would provide "conditional support" to G. Zyuganov, i.e. will call on their supporters to vote for the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but will not join the "Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces" created by the Agreement, so as not to share responsibility with him for the position of his electoral platform.
5.1. Communist organizations of the "first wave"
5.1.1. United front of workers
History. UFT was formed by adherents of orthodox communist views, concerned about the "wrong" course of perestroika, "the desire of certain forces to change the social essence of the CPSU," "attempts to discredit Marxism-Leninism," Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People ". In fact, OFT was not even a conservative, but a "reactionary-romantic" trend within the CPSU. His goal was not just to restore the pre-perestroika situation, but to implement the ideals that allegedly took place at the dawn of Soviet power.
The founding congress of the UFT of the USSR was held in Leningrad on July 15-16, 1989. It was attended by delegates not only from the RSFSR, but also from a number of union republics (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova). The congress adopted the Declaration on the establishment of CFT and formed a Coordinating Council of representatives of regional organizations of CFT. However, as a union structure, OFT existed only on paper. In reality, only the United Front of Working People of the RSFSR, created in September 1989, was active.Among the organizers of the UFT of the RSFSR were People's Deputy of the USSR Veniamin Yarin, who became one of the co-chairs of the UFT of the RSFSR, economist Alexei Sergeev, Ph.D. in Philosophy Vladimir Yakushev, worker Nikolai Polovodov, former editor the magazine "Communist" Richard Kosolapov and others.
At the II Congress of the UFT of the RSFSR (January 1990), a number of members of the Front took part in the creation of the Communist Initiative Movement (the main goal of the DKI was the formation of the Communist Party of Russia, standing on the orthodox positions). The III Congress of the UFT of the RSFSR (March 2-3, 1991) sharply criticized M. Gorbachev's policy as "opportunistic, capitulating, disastrous for the party" and expelled one of the UFT leaders V. Yarin from the Front. support the course of the President of the USSR.
After in November 1991, Russian President Boris Yeltsin banned the CPSU and the RSFSR Communist Party by his decree, the Russian Communist Workers' Party and the Labor Russia movement were formed on the basis of the UFT and DKI organizations, and most of the members of the local UFT branches concentrated their efforts at work in their regional offices.
In the fall of 1992, OFT split into two parts. One of them, headed by V. Stradymov, held on October 3-4, 1992, the "IV Extraordinary Congress" of Russian UFT without notifying Front co-chairman V. Yakushev and not allowing his supporters to attend the event. V. Yakushev's group did not recognize the IV congress as legitimate and announced its intention to hold its own IV congress of the UFT, but did not implement it. In December 1993, V.Stradymov, as a representative of the OFT, took part in the founding congress of the Workers 'and Peasants' Russian Party, formed by a group of M. Popov's supporters that broke away from the RKWP.
In the future, only V. Stradymov's supporters showed signs of life. On June 17, 1995, they convened the V Congress of the UFT of Russia and made a decision to participate in the elections to the II State Duma as part of a "single bloc of workers' organizations." However, in the end, OFT never entered any of the formed electoral associations of a communist orientation. In January 1996, the UFT Executive Committee made a decision not to nominate its own candidate for the presidency and not to support any of the "outsiders".
Program benchmarks. The Declaration on the formation of the UFT of the USSR set the goal of organizing "uniting the efforts of people of all nationalities in the struggle for the communist guidelines of perestroika, for improving the life of the people", "putting into practice Lenin's Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People." The main political tasks of the UFT were named: "strengthening the unity of society on the basis of socialist interests and communist goals of the working class," "participation of workers in the management of society," "the formation of Soviets of deputies of workers of industrial enterprises as primary cells of Soviet power," " based on production units ". In the field of economics, OFT opposed any market reforms.
After August 1991, the OFT, like all orthodox communist organizations, held pronounced anti-market and anti-government positions. Adopted by the CFT Executive Committee on January 21, 1996, the resolution "CFT tactics at the present stage" put forward the following as the main requirements: "the abolition of all government posts not under the control of the people, primarily the presidential one"; "nationalization of banks and industry"; "the replacement of bourgeois parliaments by Soviets elected on a production-territorial basis, by the power of the working people themselves"; "restoration of social guarantees and rights taken away from working people"; "eradication of fascism and nationalism", etc.
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. During the heyday (1989-90), the number of CFT was 3-4 thousand people. The RSFSR OFT had some significant organizations in Moscow and Leningrad (200-300 people each), in Tyumen, Novgorod, Ryazan, Yaroslavl, Tomsk, Novosibirsk, and Astrakhan. After August 1991, real-life OFT organizations remained only in St. Petersburg and Astrakhan (in Astrakhan, OFT members created a regional workers' council, which has branches at 22 regional enterprises), and the number of OFT decreased to several hundred people.
The governing body of the RSFSR FFT is the Coordination Council, the first composition of which was elected at the III Congress (March 2-3, 1991). It included 46 members, including three co-chairs: Vladimir Yakushev (Moscow), Nikolay Polovodov (St. Petersburg), Evgeny Khanin (Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky). At the IV ("extraordinary") congress held by V. Stradymov's supporters on October 3-4, 1992, the institute of co-chairs was abolished, and the Executive Committee of 7 people was elected as a governing body.
5.1.2. All-Union Society "Unity - for Leninism and Communist Ideals". "Bolshevik Platform in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"
History. The Unity Society was founded by supporters of Nina Andreeva, the author of the article "I Can't Give Up Principles" ("Soviet Russia", March 13, 1988), which criticized the course of "perestroika and glasnost" from the standpoint of Orthodox Stalinism. At the 1st conference of "Unity" (May 18-20, 1989) N. Andreeva was elected the chairman of the Coordination Council of the society. In 1990, at the Unity conferences, the question of restoring the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was repeatedly raised, but each time such a step was considered untimely and a decision was made “to continue the fight against revisionism while inside the CPSU”.
The III Conference of Unity, which was held on October 27-28, 1990, called for the creation of a "Bolshevik platform in the CPSU." The I conference of supporters of the "BP in the CPSU" was held on July 13-14, 1991. It formed the organizing committee of the "extraordinary XXIX Congress of the CPSU", adopted a resolution "On no confidence in the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev" and a Declaration on the formation of the "Bolshevik platform in the CPSU" , the author of which was the husband of Nina Andreeva Vladimir Klushin.
After the decision of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to suspend the activities of the CPSU, most of the "Bolshevik Platform" headed by N. Andreeva and A. Lapin held a founding congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on November 6, 1991, which elected N. Andreeva as the general secretary of the party. Another part of the BP, headed by the chairman of the ideological commission T. Khabarova, announced the preservation of the "Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU" as an independent organization, urging its supporters not to recognize the dissolution of the CPSU.
The "Bolshevik Platform" initiated the "direct" reconstruction of the CPSU, actively participated in the activities of the "Skvortsov group", was invited to the plenum of the CPSU Central Committee on July 13, 1992, introduced its representative (T. Khabarova) to the organizing committees of the "XX All-Union Party Conference" and " XXIX Congress of the CPSU ". In October 1992, at the II interregional conference of its supporters, the "Bolshevik Platform" adopted a "Program Statement for the XXIX Congress of the CPSU" and elected T. Khabarova as the secretary-coordinator of the BP. T. Khabarova also became a representative of the Bolshevik Platform in the Coordination Council of the Labor Russia movement. In February 1993, the "Bolshevik Platform" sent its delegates to the "II Restoration Congress" of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but did not participate in the further activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
At the XXIX Congress of the CPSU, the Bolshevik Platform entered the UPC-KPSS as a collective member, and its leader T. Khabarova entered the Council and the Political Executive Committee of the Union of Communist Parties, where she held a tough "unitarian" position, insisting on the revival of Union. Due to the growing disagreements on this basis (in the leadership of the UPC-KPSS, the idea of creating a confederation of communist parties eventually prevailed) T. Khabarova left the Political Executive Committee in January 1994, and in April 1995 - from the Council of the UPC-KPSS.
The "Bolshevik Platform" boycotted the elections in both the 1st (December 12, 1993) and the 2nd State Duma (December 17, 1995).
"BP in the KPSS" was the initiator of the creation of the Union of Citizens of the USSR, nominated by the expanded plenum of the Organizing Committee of the Platform (July 24, 1993). With the aim of holding the "Congress of Citizens of the USSR" in the summer of 1994, she created a movement "For the Soviet Union". The movement's participants appealed to all parties, movements, groups operating in the territory of the former Union, advocating the re-establishment of the USSR, Soviet power and the socialist social system, with a call to recognize as their program document the USSR Constitution of 1977 "without the Gorbachev-Yeltsin amendments" and to launch a mass gathering signatures for the revival of the Soviet Union. A split occurred at the "Congress of Citizens of the USSR" held on October 28-29, 1995, in which anyone who considered himself a citizen of the USSR could take part. The delegates to the congress were divided into supporters of A. Kozlobaev, who advocated direct election at the congress of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and supporters of T. Khabarova, who proceeded from the fact that the Congress can only lay claim to the constituent power and therefore proposed to form the Executive Committee of the Congress. Failing to agree on positions, both groups adopted separate Declarations. The declaration, proposed by T. Khabarova, declared the "Congress of USSR Citizens" and the bodies it formed as an institution "representing the Soviet people at the moment," and invited Soviet citizens living on the territory of the USSR within the borders of 1985 to unite in the Committees of Citizens of the USSR, " automatically "restoring the effect of Soviet laws on the territories of their residence."
Program benchmarks. The goal of "Unity" and "BP in the KPSS" was the fight against "revisionism" within the CPSU and the return to "Stalinist-Leninist norms" in the political and economic life of the country. At present, the "Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU" considers not only the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but also the parties of Roskomsoyuz to be "rightist deviators". The "BP in the CPSU" stands for the immediate restoration of the Soviet power, the USSR and the CPSU by "secret order", against the participation of the Communists in the activities of the State Duma as an organ of "bourgeois power." Due to the peculiarities of its program settings, "BP in the KPSS" is not registered with the justice authorities.
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. By the beginning of 1996, the "BP in the CPSU" was a union of a number of organizations guided by the charter of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU and the program documents of the "Bolshevik Platform". Groups of this kind operate in Moscow, Odessa, Rostov-on-Don and Birobidzhan and have several dozen members.
The governing body of the "BP in the CPSU" is the Organizing Committee, elected at the I conference (July 13-14, 1991) and re-elected at the II interregional conference (October 3, 1992). The leader of the "BP in the KPSS" is Tatyana Khabarova, elected at the II conference as the secretary-coordinator of the BP.
5.1.3. "The Marxist Platform in the KPSS"
History. Unlike the others that emerged in 1989-90. communist groups and movements, the "Marxist Platform" was founded by non-Orthodox communists who recognized the need for freedom of opinion within the CPSU and advocated the "creative development of Marxism."
The MP in the KPSS was formed by a number of informal Marxist clubs after the All-Union Conference of Party Clubs and Party Organizations (January 20-21, 1990), at which the Democratic Platform in the CPSU was created. Disagreeing with the course set at the conference, "the communists who take the positions of Marxism" (the Club of Marxist Studies at Moscow State University - A. Buzgalin, the Foundation for Social Initiatives - S. Skvortsov, the former Communist Section of the Moscow Party Club - A. Prigarin, etc.) in April 1990 the I conference of supporters of the "Marxist platform in the CPSU".
Until August 1991, there were two trends in the "Marxist Platform". One, led by A. Prigarin, advocated an alliance with the United Workers' Front and the Communist Initiative Movement. Others, led by A. Buzgalin and A. Kolganov, gravitated towards cooperation with the Democratic Movement of Communists (that part of the "Democratic Platform", which after the XXVIII Congress remained in the CPSU and in the summer of 1991 acted as one of the initiators of the creation of the Democratic Party of Communists Russia). At the III conference "MP in the CPSU" (November 17-18, 1990), supporters of A. Buzgalin and A. Kolganov created the "Marxism-XXI" faction, which, while remaining a part of the "Marxist platform", joined the DDC.
After August 1991, several political organizations were formed by supporters of the MP: the Union of Communists (A. Prigarin), the Russian Party of Communists (A. Kryuchkov), the Party of Labor (A. Buzgalin and A. Kolganov), "KPSS S. Skvortsova". The latter party, however, did not advance beyond the stage of constituent measures. The "Marxist Platform" itself did not cease to exist and retained the status of an independent organization. Leading posts in it were held by representatives of the Union of Communists.
Program benchmarks. The principles of the "Marxist Platform", confirmed by the conference on September 7-8, 1991, are "socialist choice", "communist perspective", "public ownership of the means of production", "power of the Soviets", etc.
Governing bodies. The number. Leaders. The governing body of the MP is the Coordination Council. The organization was co-chaired by Alexey Prigarin, Viktor Isaychikov, Valery Ershov. At present, the number of people in the "Marxist Platform" has been reduced to a few people, and it is mainly V. Isaychikov who speaks on its behalf.
5.2. Communist organizations of the "second wave"
5.2.1. All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks
History. The VKPB was created by supporters of Nina Andreeva after the dissolution of the CPSU on the basis of the Unity Society and part of the Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU. The founding congress of the party was held on November 8, 1991.
In the spring of 1993, VKPB took part in the "re-creation" of the SKP-KPSS, in August of the same year it participated in the restoration of the Roskomsovet and the establishment of the Roskomsoyuz. During the election campaign to the Federal Assembly in the fall of 1993, the AUCPB, along with other members of the RCC, advocated a boycott of the elections and a referendum on the new Constitution. After representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won the majority in the leadership of the UPC-KPSS, the AUCPB decided to withdraw from the Union of Communist Parties (April 1995) and focus on "preserving the unity of communist forces, primarily within the Roskomsoyuz."
By the summer of 1994, a split had finally taken shape in the leadership of the AUCPB between N. Andreeva and the secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCPB, Alexander Lapin, who demanded the holding of the II party congress and the correction of the party line in order to take into account the new realities. The matter ended with the fact that N. Andreev expelled A. Lapin and his supporters from the party. In response, A. Lapin announced the creation of the organizing committee of the II Extraordinary Congress of the AUCPB. The congress took place on July 1-2, 1995. It adopted a new program and charter of the party, as well as decisions on the registration of the party, on participation in elections to the II State Duma and local self-government bodies. A new composition of the Central Committee was elected, at a meeting of which A. Lapin was elected first secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCPB. N. Andreeva's supporters did not recognize the legitimacy of the II Congress of the AUCPB and regarded it as a "provocation".
During the elections to the II State Duma of the VKPB N. Andreeva continued to adhere to the boycott position. A. Lapina's VKPB took part in the election campaign as part of the electoral association "Union of Communists", created on the basis of S. Stepanov's SK (the association did not collect the required number of signatures in its support).
On February 24-25, 1996, the II congress of the AUCPB N. Andreeva took place, at which another split occurred - the supporters of the first secretary of the Leningrad regional committee of the AUCPB (A), the secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCPB Georgy Kaspiev, who spoke in favor of supporting the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the presidential elections, were excluded from the party G. Zyuganov. The congress decided to boycott the presidential elections. In June 1996, N. Andreeva publicly accused the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov of revisionism, expressed in the rejection of the key provisions of Marxism-Leninism, and called on her supporters not to provide him with any support.
The party was not registered with the justice authorities for reasons of principle, but at present A. Lapin's AUCPB has set itself such a task.
Program benchmarks. The program of the AUCPB, adopted at the founding congress (November 8, 1991), declared the continuity of the party in relation to the AUCP (b) in the form in which it existed until the mid-1950s. The party declared its program goals: in the socio-economic field - the restoration of "the domination of socialist property", "state monopoly of foreign trade", "social rights of workers guaranteed by the Constitution of 1977", "renewal at the modern scientific level of the planned economic system", " an end to the violent de-collectivization of the countryside "; in the field of politics and ideology - "the restoration of the Soviet state, fulfilling the functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat as an organ of power of the working class." For a long time the AUCPB opposed the use of "parliamentary forms of struggle" and only at the beginning of 1994 allowed the possibility of participation in elections to local self-government bodies. However, only A. Lapin's VKPB took part in the 1995 parliamentary elections, while N. Andreeva's VKPB boycotted them.
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. The number of VKPB in late 1991 - early 1992 was estimated at several thousand people. After the transition at the beginning of 1993, a significant part of the functionaries in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the number of the party was reduced to several hundred people.
The governing body of the party was the Central Committee elected at the founding congress (November 8, 1991) (15 members and 4 candidates). N. Andreeva was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee, Anatoly Belitsky, Georgy Kaspiev, Alexander Lapin were elected secretaries of the Central Committee of the AUCPB. In December 1994, the plenum of the Central Committee of the AUCPB expelled A. Lapin from the party "leaderism and anti-party activity", after which he created and headed the organizing committee of the II (extraordinary) congress of the AUCPB. The congress elected a new composition of the Central Committee of 7 people, at the first meeting of which A. Lapin was elected the first secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCPB. On February 24, 1996, another secretary of the Central Committee, G. Kaspiev, was expelled from the AUCPB (A).
5.2.2. Russian communist workers' party
History. The RCWP united the orthodox communists, until August 1991, grouped around the Communist Initiative Movement, which aimed to create a Russian Communist Party within the CPSU on the basis of the United Front of Working People. In 1990, three stages of the Initiative Congress of the Communists of Russia took place - in April, June and October. The Organizing Bureau formed at the congress was headed by Viktor Tyulkin, Mikhail Popov, Aleksey Sergeev and others. At the II Initiative Congress of the Russian Communist Party held in April and June 1991 (in two stages), a resolution was adopted on "political distrust of the anti-popular course pursued by the anti-communist fraction of Gorbachev ", and it was decided to demand the resignation of M. Gorbachev from the post of General Secretary of the CPSU. The movement of the participants in the Initiative Congresses of the RCP received the name "Communist Initiative Movement" at the congress. It was also decided to transform the movement from Russian to all-Union.
In November 1991, on the basis of the DKI, the Russian Communist Workers' Party was created, the Central Committee of which included V. Tyulkin, A. Sergeev, M. Popov, V. Anpilov, Yu. Terentyev, R. Kosolapov and others.
In March 1992, the RCWP signed an agreement on the creation of a "united opposition", however, the National Salvation Front, formed in October of the same year on the basis of the latter, refused to enter, and at the second stage of its constituent congress (December 1992) withdrew those members who, without the sanction of the party, entered the governing bodies of the Federal Tax Service (R. Kosolapov, V. Yakushev, I. Epischeva). In the summer of 1992, the RCWP was one of the initiators of the creation of the Roskomsovet, which set itself the task of uniting Russian and Soviet communists, but by November 1992, the party representatives were ousted from the RCU by supporters of the Workers' Socialist Party. On February 13, 1993, representatives of the RCWP took part in the first day of the meeting of the II emergency (restoration) congress of the RSFSR Communist Party, but then left the congress, declaring the RCWP the sole legal successor of the "old" RSFSR Communist Party. The RCWP held a "parallel" II Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, which, however, did not have any organizational consequences. On March 26-27, 1993, representatives of the RCWP took part in the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU" as observers, and in the spring of 1994 the party joined the UPC-CPSU as an associate member (in March 1995 it became a full member). In the summer of 1993, the RKRP participated in the re-establishment of the Roskomsovet, in which it occupied a dominant position.
Members of the RCWP and "Trudovaya Rossiya" took an active part in the defense of the House of Soviets in September - October 1993, and the first secretary of the Moscow party committee, Viktor Anpilov, was even arrested. The consequence of this was the election at the II Congress of the RKWP (December 3-4, 1993) V. Tyulkin as the first secretary of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RKWP, which subsequently led to a sharp deterioration in relations between him and V. Anpilov, who was released under the amnesty. Simultaneously, on December 4-5, 1993, supporters of Mikhail Popov, secretary of the Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee of the RKWP, held a founding congress of the Workers 'and Peasants' Russian Party, designed to become a "legal alternative" to the RKWP, whose activities after October 4, 1993 were temporarily suspended. Like other parties-members of the Roskomsovet, the RKRP boycotted the elections to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and the referendum on the new constitution that took place on December 12, 1993.
In the summer of 1995, the RCWP was one of the initiators of the creation of the electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union", which received 4.53% of the vote in the elections on December 17, 1995.
In the presidential elections, the RKWP decided to support the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov, but not to join the "Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces" created in his support until the signing of a bilateral agreement between the Communist Party and the RKWP at the level of the Central Committees. The V Congress of the RCWP (April 20-21, 1996) condemned V. Anpilov for attempts to use the Trudovaya Rossiya movement "for tactical purposes that differ from the practice of party struggle" (V. Anpilov signed an Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov) and "the desire to put the movement above the party."
Program benchmarks. In the Program Statement adopted by the constituent congress of the RCWP (November 23-24, 1991), the goals of the RCWP were called "preservation and strengthening of a single state - the USSR", "preservation and development of a single national economic complex created by the labor of people", " development of the country, free education, health care, easily accessible housing for all. " These goals, the document said, can be ensured "not by parliaments of the bourgeois type, but by the Soviets of the working people, with sovereign powers both in politics and in the economy."
In January 1992, at a joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the RKWP, the "Emergency Action Program" of the party was adopted, and later published in the newspaper Molniya. servicemen, the call to hoist the state flag of the USSR over the Kremlin by November 7, 1992) were the reason for the issuance of an official warning to the party by the Ministry of Justice.
At the July and September (1992) plenums of the Central Committee of the RKWP, the "Leningrad" (M. Popova), and not the "Moscow" (R. Kosolapova) draft of the party program was approved. During the discussion of the projects, the Moscow organization accused its opponents of underestimating the social consequences of the scientific and technological revolution, and the St. Petersburg organization criticized Muscovites for using "the bourgeois concept of human rights" in their project. (At the end of December 1992, at the second stage of the constituent congress of the RCWP, R.Kosolapov's supporters formed the "Lenin Platform in the RCWP", which in February 1993 passed to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.) The goals of the party in the new program were called: capitalization of the country "; "taking the country out of the crisis state caused by internal and external counter-revolution"; "the restoration of trampled social gains and the rights of the people, the integrity and international positions of Russia as a world power"; "transition to dynamic socialist construction".
In the future, it was not so much the goals of the party that changed as its tactical attitudes. So, starting in 1994, the party embarked on a course of holding a general political strike, which, according to the plan, should put an end to the existence of the current regime.
In negotiations with possible allies, the party defended "5 principles of the RCWP": 1) "stopping criminal reforms and their instrument - privatization, liberalization and the so-called financial stabilization"; 2) "the return of the loot to the people"; 3) "the return of power to the Soviets of workers, peasants, specialists and employees"; 4) "the revival of the Soviet Union"; 5) "abolition of the presidency."
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. In terms of number, the RCWP is the second after the Communist Party of the Russian Communist Party (and, apparently, a political party in general). According to the statement of its leadership, in the summer of 1995 the party consisted of 162 thousand people (according to the estimates of the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - about 50 thousand).
The governing bodies of the RCWP are the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission. The first compositions of the Central Committee (85 members, 4 candidate members) and the Central Control Commission (15 members) were elected at the first stage of the founding congress of the party in November 1991. The Central Committee included Viktor Tyulkin, Alexey Sergeev, Mikhail Popov, Viktor Anpilov, Yuri Terentyev, Albert Makashov, Teimuraz Avaliani, Richard Kosolapov, Alexander Zolotov, Yuri Slobodkin and others. On January 5-6, 1992, at the plenum of the Central Committee, several of his secretaries were elected, who formed the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee, in which Viktor Tyulkin, secretary of the Central Committee of the RKWP on organizational issues, began to play a leading role ...
At the second stage of the constituent congress of the RCWP (December 5-6, 1992) 12 people were withdrawn from the Central Committee (including R. Kosolapov) and 28 people were introduced ("directly related to production"). An additional 18 workers were elected to the Central Control Commission. The Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee included V. Anpilov, A. Zolotov, D. Igoshin, S. Krupenko, N. Polovodov, N. Sarvarov, A. Sergeev, Yu. Terentyev, E. Timofeev, V. Tyulkin, V. Shishkarev. On March 7, 1993, Albert Makashov and Mikhail Titov left the Central Committee. The II Congress of the RKWP (December 3-4, 1993) elected a new composition of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee, which did not include M. Popov and his associates, who were holding the founding congress of the Workers 'and Peasants' Russian Party at the same time. V. Tyulkin was elected the first secretary of the Orgburo. The January (1994) plenum of the Central Committee of the RKWP elected V. Tyulkin first secretary, and V. Anpilov and Yu. Terentyev - secretaries of the Central Committee. The IV Congress of the RKWP (December 17-18, 1994) elected a new composition of the Central Committee of 82 members. V. Tyulkin (first secretary), Y. Terentyev (secretary), B. Yachmenev (secretary), V. Gusev, S. Krupenko, N. Sarvarov, V. Aseev, V. Danyarov, A. Cherepanov were elected to the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee. , V. Tolcheev, V. Zapolskikh, V. Soldatov, V. Kalugin. V. Knodel became the manager of the Central Committee of the RKWP, V. Alekseev became the chairman of the Central Control Commission. The 5th Congress (April 20-21, 1996) elected a new composition of the Central Committee of the RKWP from 75 members and 16 candidates. At the plenum of the Central Committee of the RKWP held after the congress in the Orgburo, contrary to the recommendations of the Central Control Commission, V. Anpilov was introduced, who was not, however, elected secretary of the Central Committee. V. Tyulkin, Yu. Terentyev and B. Yachmenev became the Secretaries of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee. At the joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the RKWP on July 21, 1996, V. Anpilov was removed from the post of the first secretary of the MK RKWP and removed from the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the party.
5.2.3. Labor Russia movement
History. Since the end of 1991, the Labor Russia movement has been operating under the leadership of the RKWP, uniting a wide circle of adherents of orthodox communist views and headed by the head of the Moscow organization of the RKWP V. Anpilov. In addition to the members of the RCWP, who made up the majority of the TR activists, the movement also includes representatives of the UFT, the Union of Communists, AUCPB, the Russian Komsomol and other communist organizations. In the summer of 1995, the Labor Russia movement, as an unofficial founder, entered the Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union electoral bloc. In March 1996, the leader of the TR V. Anpilov, on behalf of the movement, signed an Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov in the presidential elections, for which he was convicted by the V RKWP Congress held on April 20-21, 1996 (Anpilov was also accused of striving " put the movement above the party "and turn it into an organization of the" anarcho-syndicalist type with ultra-revolutionary phraseology ").
Program benchmarks. The program guidelines of "Labor Russia" completely coincide with those with which the RKWP advocates: "the abolition of the Belovezhsky agreements and the beginning of the voluntary re-creation of the USSR"; "the return to the working people of the property taken away from them, including the land and its subsoil, industrial enterprises, transport and communication systems, the media, cultural, educational and healthcare institutions"; "the restoration of the power of the working people in the form of Soviets from bottom to top, from the labor collective to the Congress of Soviets, which will control the head of the executive branch and the government"; "restoration of state management of the economy according to scientifically sound plans"; "the abolition of the posts of presidents, mayors, prefects and deputy presidents throughout Russia."
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. The movement has branches in many regions of Russia and, according to its own estimate, has more than 100 thousand supporters. In 1992-93. "Labor Russia" gathered tens of thousands of people for its rallies and demonstrations. By the time of the IV Congress (January 28, 1996), the movement had 57 regional organizations. Nevertheless, TR was registered as a federal organization by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation only on January 6, 1996.
The governing body of the movement - the Coordination Council - was elected even before the founding congress, in December 1991. Initially, it included 30 people, including Viktor Anpilov (RCWP), Vavil Nosov (RCWP), Richard Kosolapov (RCWP), Boris Gunko (Moscow "Unity"), Vladimir Yakushev (OFT), Boris Kudryavtsev (VKPB), Igor Malyarov (committee "For the revival of the Komsomol"), Alexey Prigarin (Union of Communists), Vasily Shishkarev (Union of Moscow workers), Vladimir Shebarshin (Union of workers Moscow), Stanislav Terekhov (Union of Officers).
At the founding congress of the TR (October 25, 1992), a new Coordination Council of 53 people and an Executive Committee of 15 people were elected, which included V. Anpilov (chairman), B. Gunko, I. Malyarov, V. Nosov, Vladimir Miloserdov ( Russian Party), Aleksey Sergeev, Vladimir Gusev, and others. Subsequently, the composition of these bodies was repeatedly updated.
5.2.4. Union of communists
History. The Union of Communists was created in November 1991 on the basis of the left wing of the "Marxist Platform in the CPSU". Its sole leader was initially Alexei Prigarin. In April 1992, at the 1st Congress of the UK, a decision was made to form the International Union of Communists, which, in addition to the UK, also included the Unions of Communists of Ukraine and Latvia and the Communist Party of Working People of Transnistria. (The international middle class, however, existed only on paper.) The Communist Union called for the creation of an economic federation between the republics of the former USSR, the development of an "emergency three-year plan for economic recovery," the introduction of a state monopoly on foreign trade, etc.
The Union of Communists was the main initiator of the creation of the UPC-KPSS. Under his leadership, the "Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU" (June 13, 1992), "XX Conference of the CPSU" (October 10, 1992), "XXIX Congress of the CPSU" (March 29-30, 1993) were prepared and held. The SK was the first to become a full member of the SKP-KPSS. A. Prigarin was elected one of the vice-chairmen of the Council of the SKP-CPSU, and in addition to him, a member of the Central Committee of the SKP-CPSU, S. Stepanov, also joined the Political Executive Committee of the Council of the SKP-CPSU. Members of the Investigative Committee participated in the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (the decision on the withdrawal of the activists of the Union of Communists from the Zyuganov Communist Party was made only at the II Congress of the Investigative Committee in December 1993), as well as in the Roskomsovet, which was recreated in August 1993.
In 1993, a movement headed by Sergei Stepanov and Vladimir Markov was formed in the Union of Communists, which considered participation in the SKP-CPSU an outside affair for the NC. In October 1993, the opposition held the II Congress of the Investigative Committee, at which it dismissed A. Prigarin (he was, in particular, accused of having destroyed the archive of the Union of Communists on October 4, 1993 in fear of reprisals from the authorities) and elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Investigative Committee S. Stepanov. A. Prigarin's supporters did not recognize the legitimacy of this congress and at the joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission on October 30, 1993, in turn, they removed S. Stepanov and V. Markov from the posts of secretaries of the Central Committee. Since that time, there have been two parties in Russia, bearing the name "Union of Communists" - SK A. Prigarin and SK S. Stepanov. Both Unions of Communists insisted on their exclusive right to be represented in the Union of Communist Parties, but in the end the leadership of the UPC-CPSU sided with A. Prigarin, and the Control and Revision Commission of the UPC-CPSU condemned the activities of S. Stepanov's group. This decision was supported by the July (1994) plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU, which appealed to all the primary organizations of the Investigative Committee with a proposal to hold a unification congress. Representatives of the SK S. Stepanov, as a rule, attended the events of the UPC-KPSS Council as guests, while A. Prigarin retained his membership in the Council (however, after his conflict with O. Shenin, he was forced to leave his post in July 1994 Deputy Chairman of the Council of the Union of Communist Parties).
On the basis of A. Prigarin's Union of Communists, the Russian Communist Party (RCP-CPSU) was created in April 1995, claiming the role of the Russian organization of the UPC-CPSU, but not recognized in this capacity by the leadership of the Union of Communist Parties.
During the election campaign in the fall of 1993, S. Stepanov's Investigative Committee called for participation in elections in single-mandate constituencies without taking part in the elections on party lists, while A. Prigarin’s Investigative Committee, following the rest of the parties-members of the Roskomsovet, called for a complete boycott of the elections ... In the elections to the II State Duma, S. Stepanov's Investigative Committee acted as an independent electoral association, but was unable to collect 200 thousand signatures in its support. A. Prigarin's SK, together with the RCP-KPSS, entered on an informal basis into the electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union".
Investigative Committee was registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on September 28, 1992. After the split, registration remained with S. Stepanov’s Investigative Committee (Stepanov was the secretary for organizing work, so he had a party registration certificate and a seal).
Program benchmarks. The program objectives of the Union of Communists were initially declared "socialist development of society", "the leading role of public ownership of the main means of production when using various forms of ownership in the sphere of services and small-scale production", "regulated market relations", "a reasonable combination of planned foundations of economic management and the market "," the market for means of production and consumer goods in the absence of a labor and capital market "," the revival of Soviet power "," the creation of a system of democracy based on elections based on the territorial-production principle "," the development of self-government. "
At the beginning of 1992, the leader of the Investigative Committee A. Prigarin defined the place of the Union of Communists as being to the left of the Socialist Party of Workers, but to the right of the Russian Party of Communists. What distinguished him from SPT was the non-recognition of private capitalist entrepreneurship and the legitimacy of income from it. From the PKK - rejection of the centralization of management of the country's economy and political life. Prigarin called the slogan of the Investigative Committee "More democracy, more socialism!" and defended the need to combine the state planned management of the economy with a regulated market, "the transfer of economic rights to labor collectives and regional bodies."
Subsequently, the ideological position of the Union of Communists (first of all, the Investigative Committee of A. Prigarin) in many respects approached the directives of other parties-members of the Roskomsoyuz for "the fastest, most radical restoration of socialism in the country, and in its new, higher stage of development." At the same time, both Unions of Communists still do not accept an alliance of Communists with national patriots. The political line outlined by the Second Congress of the Investigative Committee (A. Prigarin) and confirmed by the Third Congress (December 1994) provides for "tough opposition to the regime," the communist movement, "a course for the preparation of a general political strike and mass civil disobedience with the aim of taking power by the working people", "restoration of a single state - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics", etc.
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. At the time of registration, the Union of Communists had 3433 members. After February-March 1993, almost all the organizations of the Union of Communists joined the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and only a few of them retained dual membership. At the end of 1993, according to the leadership of the Investigative Committee of A. Prigarin, the party consisted of about 3 thousand people (262 in Moscow). The leader of the second SC S. Stepanov at the plenum of the Central Committee in April 1994 estimated the number of his organization at several tens of thousands of people, which, without any doubt, is a significant exaggeration.
The 1st Congress of the Union of Communists (April 25-26, 1992) elected the Central Committee (23 people) and the Central Control Commission (5 people) as the governing bodies. The Central Committee, in turn, elected 9 of its secretaries: A. Prigarin (first secretary), Oleg Melnikov, Vladimir Markov, Nikolai Kaburneev, Yevgeny Kafyrin, O. Menshikova, Vitaly Perov, Sergei Stepanov, O. Khlustov. At the congress, the Union Council of the International Union of Communists was also formed, the secretary of which was A. Prigarin.
The II (extraordinary) Congress of the Investigative Committee held on October 23, 1993 by the supporters of S. Stepanov - V. Markov elected a new composition of the Central Committee. Instead of the previous 9 secretaries of the Central Committee, 5 were elected. Several seats were left for Prigarin's supporters in the secretariat. S. Stepanov was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee. Prigarin's group did not recognize the legitimacy of this congress, and at the joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission on October 30, 1993, they relieved Stepanov and Markov of their duties as secretaries of the Central Committee.
Later, the congresses of both parties (III Congress of the Investigative Committee of S. Stepanov - December 10, 1994, III Congress of the Investigative Committee of A. Prigarin - December 17, 1994) elected their own Central Committee and Central Control Commission. A. Prigarin remained the first secretary of one, S. Stepanov of the other.
5.2.5. Russian party of communists
History. The PKK is considered the least orthodox of all the "left" communist parties that are members of the Roskomsovet. Her program, in particular, allows for the existence of "limited private property". At the same time, the real political practice makes the PKK little different from all other parties-members of the RCC.
The party was created by a group of members of the "Marxist Platform" headed by A. Kryuchkov after the ban of the CPSU in August 1991. The group was looking for allies for a long time and for this purpose attended the congresses of the Socialist Party of Workers (October 26, 1991) and the Union of Communists (16- November 17, 1991), but in the end came to the decision to create an independent party, which at the founding conference (December 14-15, 1991) was named the "Russian Party of Communists". A. Kryuchkov was elected deputy chairman of the party (it was decided to elect the chairman at the 1st Congress of the PKK, but in May 1992, at a joint plenum of the Central Executive Committee and the Central Control Commission, Kryuchkov became him). At the beginning of 1992, the PKK discussed the possibility of joining the Russian National Union as a collective member, but later the party abandoned this intention.
The PKK initiated a number of activities aimed at uniting the communists of the former USSR. Thus, in May 1992, on the initiative of the PKK, the All-Union Coordination Center of Communists was created, which included representatives of a number of Russian regional communist associations, as well as the Party of Communists of Belarus and the Socialist Party of Ukraine. In the summer of 1992, the party initiated the convening of a meeting of communist organizations, at which the Roskomsovet was created. The 1st Congress of the PKK (December 5-6, 1992) made a decision to participate in the organizing committee for the restoration of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, party representatives took part both in the official II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and in the "parallel" one, held at the initiative of the RCWP. Some of the members of the PKK leadership, headed by Y. Belov and B. Slavin, in February 1993 transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
In the summer of 1993, the party, as a collective member, entered the National Salvation Front (during the events of September-October 1993 A. Kryuchkov was the chief of staff for the defense of the House of Soviets) and took part in the restoration of the Roskomsovet. At the II Congress of the PKK (January 28-29, 1994), it was decided to join the party to the UPC-KPSS as an associate member (the proposal for full membership was rejected). In March 1994, the party refused to join the Concord in the Name of Russia movement, regarding the initiative of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, APR, ROS, RSDNP and others as an attempt to "cover up with beautiful decorations the refusal to fight the ruling regime, to justify their agreement with him." The II Congress of the PKK decided to start negotiations on the creation of a coalition communist party (with the temporary preservation of its own programs and statutes) with the A. Prigarin's Union of Communists, as well as to establish "working contacts" with the Marxist Workers' Party - the Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and other organizations that stand in the position "creative Marxism".
In November 1994, the PKK took part in the creation of the Union of Popular Resistance, but in August 1995 it parted ways with the leaders of the SNC Sazha Umalatova and Ivan Shashviashvili on the issue of participation in the "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union" electoral bloc. Those at the last moment refused to participate in the bloc, and the PKK acted as one of its founders. After December 17, 1995, the PKK Political Council called for the preservation of the "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union" bloc for the period of elections to local authorities.
The plenum of the CEC of the PKK on March 30-31, 1996 recommended that the party members vote in the presidential elections for the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but spoke out against the party's entry into the "Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces" in support of G. Zyuganov as a sign of disagreement with his platform, which is in the opinion of the leadership of the PKK, "just a platform for adjusting the course of the current regime, the economic and political structure of society while maintaining the constitutional foundations of the bourgeois system."
Program benchmarks. PKK representatives have repeatedly stated that they consider themselves "realist communists" and avoid the "extremist extremes of other communist groups." In particular, the PKK opposes the immediate liquidation of private property, fearing that this will lead to "a repetition of the mistake associated with the abolition of NEP in the 1920s." Private property, according to the PKK, "will be eliminated over time in the process of building socialism." (At the same time, the leader of the Union of Communists A. Prigarin, who adheres to the position of non-admission of private property, called the PKK an ally "on the left," believing that A. Kryuchkov's supporters are in favor of a centralized version of the economy.) Being opposed to private ownership of land, the PKK, nevertheless , allows inherited ownership of agricultural plots (subject to their mandatory processing), advocates a combination of planned and market principles in the economy, demonopolization, denationalization of property (but against its privatization). In addition, in contrast to the RKWP and especially the AUCPB, the Russian Party of Communists, calling itself "a supporter of the Leninist line in the communist movement," has a negative attitude towards Stalinism. There is no rigid centralism in the party, ideological discussions are allowed, which are considered useful for the development of Marxist thought, provided that they do not interfere with organizational activity.
In the documents of the PKK, adopted in 1994-1995, the immediate goals of the party are called: "rejection of the bankrupt policy of capitalization of the country, bourgeois-nomenklatura privatization, price anarchy and shifting the entire burden of the crisis onto the shoulders of the working people"; "restoration of social justice, law and order and legality"; "the annulment of the results of the pseudo-referendum on December 12, 1993, the establishment of genuine democracy in the country based on the Constitution, which will be supported by the majority of the people"; "the resignation of the current government and the abolition of the presidency responsible for the national-state catastrophe of Russia, and the formation for the transitional period of a government of popular confidence, responsible to the highest representative body of power"; "the holding of early free and democratic elections to the bodies of representative power after the development, with the participation of the opposition, of guarantees for the democratic nature of these elections"; "the revival of Soviet power as the real power of the working people", etc.
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. At the time of registration, the PKK had over 2,900 members. In the fall of 1992, the party's leadership estimated its number at 5,000. In February 1993, some members of the leadership and regional branches of the PKK transferred to the KPRF. After that, the number of the party fluctuated between 1-3 thousand.
The founding conference of the PKK (December 14-15, 1991) elected the Central Executive Committee (37 people) as the governing body of the party, which received the right to co-opt new members - up to 50 people. At a meeting of the CEC on December 15, the Political Council of the CEC was formed of 10 people (one seat remained vacant), which included A. Kryuchkov, V. Burdyugov, Galina Sachko (former member of the CPSU Central Committee), Boris Slavin, Oleg Shabrov and others. it was decided not to elect before the 1st congress, and A. Kryuchkov was elected deputy chairman. Vladimir Burdyugov became the secretary of the Political Council of the PKK CEC (in October 1993 he was expelled from the PKK CEC, at the end of 1993, together with his supporters, he left the PKK and created the Left Russia party). In May 1992, at a joint plenum of the CEC and the Central Control Commission, Kryuchkov was elected chairman of the Political Council of the CEC. At the 1st Congress of the PKK (December 5-6, 1992) A. Kryuchkov was re-elected the Chairman of the Political Council of the CEC. The II Congress (January 28-29, 1995) re-elected the CEC (33 people) and the Political Council, A. Kryuchkov was re-elected as the Chairman of the Political Council, Oleg Shirokov became his deputy.
5.2.6. Communist Party of the Russian Federation
History. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the largest communist (and generally political) party in the Russian Federation. The hegemony of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the Russian communist movement is evidently explained by the fact that, in the eyes of ordinary adherents of the communist ideology, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the most "legitimate" successor of the CPSU. If the parties of the Roskomsovet are marked with the seal of their "informal" past, and the claims of the SKP-KPSS for the role of the "old CPSU" are given some imposture, then the Communist Party of the Russian Federation managed to maintain the golden mean: on the one hand, it managed to create itself an image of an organization capable of navigating modern Russian realities, and on the other - not to break the thread connecting it with the "pre-August" CPSU.
The initiative (organizing) committee for the convocation of the "II emergency (restorative) congress" of the Communist Party of Russia was formed by the Roskomsovet in the fall of 1993 on the eve of the RF Constitutional Court's verdict on the legality of the presidential decree banning the activities of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the RSFSR. The committee was headed by the former first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR Valentin Kuptsov; V. Martemyanov) and a number of Russian communist parties - the PKK (B. Slavin), the RCWP (R. Kosolapov, A. Makashov) and others. The leading positions in the organizing committee of the congress were occupied by representatives of the Union of Labor Teams, who ousted the activists of the RCWP.
The congress, held on February 13-14, 1995, adopted a decision on the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which is "the legal successor and owner of the property of the Communist Party of the RSFSR." The party actively cooperated with the "united opposition" and took part in many of its actions (including the defense of the House of Soviets in September-October 1993), although it did not become part of the National Salvation Front. After October 4, the activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were temporarily suspended by a presidential decree (despite the fact that a few days before the storming of the mayor's office and Ostankino, the party leader G. Zyuganov called on the participants in the defense of the White House to refrain from radical steps and not go to "bloodshed") ... Nevertheless, she, the only one of the Communist parties, was given the opportunity to participate in the elections to the Federal Assembly. On December 12, 1993, she received 12.4% of the vote. The Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation included 45 deputies (32 from among those elected in the federal district, 13 in single-mandate districts).
The All-Russian Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation held in April 1994 made a decision "to consider itself a component of the Union of Communist Parties while maintaining organizational independence, program and statutory documents", after which at the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU (July 9-10, 1994) entered the UPC ... The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was also one of the participants in the creation of the "Consent in the Name of Russia" movement, a short-lived coalition that united the organizations of the "respectable" part of the irreconcilable opposition in the spring of 1994. Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation also took part in the Russian Frontier Congress (September 1994).
The III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, held on January 21-22, 1995, adopted a new program and amended the charter (in particular, the Central Committee became the governing body of the party instead of the Central Executive Committee). At the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation held on January 22, G. Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Central Committee.
In the elections to the II State Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation acted independently, without entering into an alliance even with the "left communists" (negotiations on the creation of a single bloc of communists were deadlocked due to the fact that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was ready to cede not more than a tenth of the seats in the federal list to the RCWP) ... In the elections on December 17, 1995, the Communist Party won 22.3% of the vote, receiving 99 seats in the Duma. Another 58 deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected in single-mandate constituencies.
In the 1996 presidential elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation nominated its leader, who was also supported by a number of anti-reformist organizations that signed on March 4, 1996 the Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov as a single presidential candidate from the opposition. G. Zyuganov entered the second round of elections, where he lost to B. Yeltsin, receiving 40.31% of the vote (against 53.82% of the current president).
Program benchmarks. The Political Statement adopted at the Second Party Congress (February 13-14, 1993) spoke of the Communist Party's commitment to "the ideas of socialism and democracy." The tasks of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation set forth "obstruction of the capitalization of the country", "termination of violent privatization." At the same time, the statement contained such uncharacteristic provisions for orthodox communists as "the formation of a planned market economy," "the social orientation of reforms," "the optimal combination of various forms of ownership," farms "," the conclusion of a new interstate agreement between the CIS countries. "
A kind of programmatic "opportunism" (in particular, the rejection of the slogan "Workers of all countries, unite!") Immediately put the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in a special position in the Russian Communist movement. The "left-wing communist parties", in particular, never recognized the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as a communist organization, for which there were quite good reasons. According to observers, only one inner-party movement can be considered actually communist in the CPRF (independent factions and platforms are prohibited in the CPRF by the charter) - the so-called. "Lenin's position in the communist movement" (leader - Richard Kosolapov). Despite the fact that among ordinary members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation orthodox communist views are widespread enough, in the leadership of the party, R. Kosolapov's group enjoys the least influence. The dominant position in the governing bodies of the party is occupied by supporters of the so-called. of the "popular-patriotic" trend, headed by G. Zyuganov, who focus not on the communist aspects of the program itself, but on the tasks of "national liberation of Russia from the dominance of comprador capital" and on this basis seeking an alliance with "patriotic entrepreneurs", as well as representatives of non-communist organizations belonging to the "irreconcilable opposition."
The number. Governing bodies. Leaders. In March 1996, the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation estimated the number of the party at 570 thousand people in 89 regional organizations (according to experts - from 150 to 300 thousand people).
At the "II Extraordinary (Restoration) Congress" (February 13-14, 1993), the Central Executive Committee of 89 people was elected as the governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the first plenum of the CEC (February 14, 1993), Gennady Zyuganov was elected chairman of the CEC Presidium, Valentin Kuptsov (first deputy), Yuri Belov (ideological work), Svetlana Goryacheva (coordination of the activities of organizations in Siberia and the Far East), Mikhail Lapshin ( agrarian problems), Viktor Zorkaltsev (organizational issues), Ivan Rybkin (parliamentary faction). At the II conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (April 23-24, 1994) A. Shabanov was elected deputy chairman of the CEC of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (January 21-22, 1995), the party's governing body was renamed the Central Committee (139 members and 25 candidates). On January 22, at a joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control and Auditing Commission, G. Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Central Committee, V. Kuptsov was his first deputy, and A. Shabanov was his deputy. The Presidium of the Central Committee consisted of 19 people. N. Bindyukov, I. Melnikov, V. Peshkov, S. Potapov, G. Seleznev were elected secretaries of the Central Committee (released in May 1996). State Duma deputy L. Petrovsky became the chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
5.2.7. Union of Communist Parties (UPC-KPSS)
History. The organizing committee of the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU" ("Organizing Committee of the Central Committee of the CPSU") was formed on June 13, 1992 at a meeting of 46 members of the "old" Central Committee of the CPSU, convened at the initiative of the leaders of the Union of Communists (in particular, a member of the SK leadership Konstantin Nikolaev his deputy is the leader of the Investigative Committee Alexei Prigarin). On October 10, 1992, the Organizing Committee of the Central Committee of the CPSU held the "XX Party Conference of the CPSU", and on March 26-27, 1993 - the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU". At the congress, the "re-created" party received a new name: the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (UPC-KPSS).
The first of the Russian communist parties to join the SKP-KPSS as full members were the Union of Communists, the Bolshevik Platform in the KPSS and the Lenin Platform by Richard Kosolapov (formed within the RKRP in December 1992, in February 1993 transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation). On May 15, 1993, at the plenum of the Party Council in the UPC-KPSS, the Union of Communists of Russia, the Union of Communists of Latvia, the Communist Party of South Ossetia, the Party of Communists of Kyrgyzstan, the Communist Party of Estonia, the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, the Communist Party of Tajikistan and the Communist Party of Transnistrian Workers were officially adopted. The RKWP, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Union of Communists of Ukraine joined the Union of Communist Parties as associate members. At the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Communist Party of Ukraine and the United Communist Party of Georgia were accepted as full members of the UPC-CPSU. At the plenum on December 12, 1994, the Communist Party of Azerbaijan and the Communist Party of Uzbekistan entered the UPC-KPSS as full members, and the Union of Workers of Armenia as an associate. At the plenum on March 25, 1995 - the RCWP and the Communist Party of Moldova as full members, the PKK - as an associate.
In the fall of 1993, the Political Executive Committee of the UPC-CPSU Council recommended to its members and supporters to boycott the elections to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and the referendum on the new Constitution (of all the UPC members, only the Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not follow this call).
The July (1994) plenum of the UPC-CPSU Council condemned the actions of the Deputy Chairman of the Council, a member of the Political Executive Committee of the UPC-CPSU A. Prigarin, who came up with the initiative to create a Moscow city organization of the CPSU, directly part of the UPC-CPSU, and the so-called. "Russian organization of the CPSU" (RCP-KPSS). In particular, the chairman of the UPC Council O. Shenin accused Prigarin of trying to split the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and of violating party discipline. A. Prigarin, nevertheless, did not give up his intentions, but resigned from the post of deputy chairman of the UPC-CPSU Council (while retaining his membership in the UPC-CPSU Council). The plenum of the UPC-CPSU Council on March 25, 1995 condemned the activities of the organizing committee of the "All-Russian Conference of the CPSU" created by A. Prigarin and recommended that the Central Control Commission consider the activities of a number of members of the UPC-CPSU Council in the organizing committee. At the December (1995) plenum A. Prigarin tried to get the Russian Communist Party (RCP-CPSU) established by him into the UPC-CPSU, but consideration of this issue was postponed until the situation with the two Communist Unions - A. Prigarin and S. Stepanov - was clarified.
At the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994, the task was set to transform the Union of Communist Parties into a rigid centralized structure. The December (1994) plenum of the UPC-CPSU Council appealed to the Communist Parties of Russia with an appeal to hold a unification congress to create a single Russian Communist Party. However, all these intentions were impeded by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which insisted that at the "XXX Congress of the CPSU" (July 1995) amendments were made to the new charter of the Union of Communist Parties excluding individual membership in the UPC-CPSU (all communists were invited to join one of the already existing Communist Parties) and transforming the Union of Communist Parties into a confederation.
At the "XXX Congress of the CPSU," the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation insisted on excluding the abbreviation "KPSS" from the name, but most of the delegates to the congress did not support this proposal.
During the 1995 election campaign in the State Duma, the leadership of the UPC-KPSS supported the electoral list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, in the 1996 presidential campaign - the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov. On March 4, 1996, O. Shenin, on behalf of the UPC-KPSS, signed an Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov as a presidential candidate from the "people's patriotic forces."
SKP-KPSS is not registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, including due to the presence in its name of the abbreviation "KPSS", indicating the jurisdiction of a state other than the Russian Federation.
Program benchmarks. The new version of the UPC-KPSS program was adopted by the "XXX Congress of the CPSU" (July 1-2, 1995). The program principles of the UPC-KPSS were declared: "refusal to compromise with anti-popular ruling regimes"; "the leading role of state property"; the unification of the opposition on the basis of the recognition of "the need for accelerated mobilization development of the country"; "the desire to build a union state on the principle of" a union of peoples - a federation of territories; " The CPSU representatives of social democratic organizations and cooperation with nationalist associations, which were viewed as "a weapon of provocations of the special services."
Governing bodies. Leaders. The governing bodies of the UPC-KPSS are the Party Council and the Political Executive Committee. Oleg Shenin, released from Matrosskaya Tishina, was elected chairman of the Party Council at the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU", Konstantin Nikolayev - first deputy, Alexei Prigarin (resigned from this post in July 1994), Evgeny Konyshev, Alexander Melnikov, Igor Prostyakov and Anatoly Chekhoev. The Political Executive Committee includes Sazhi Umalatova, Yegor Ligachev, Stanislav Terekhov and others.
At the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on February 12-13, 1994, the structure of the Political Executive Committee was rebuilt, its composition was limited by the chairman and deputies (while the number of the latter increased). "XXX Congress of the CPSU" (July 1-2, 1995) determined a new procedure for electing the Council of the UPC-CPSU - 4 representatives from each full member, with the obligatory inclusion of the first person, who, according to his position, must also be included in the Political Executive Committee. In addition, a "central list" was introduced, which included persons "necessary to ensure the leading functions of the central bodies of the UPC-CPSU" (in particular, O. Shenin, K. Nikolaev, E. Konyshev, S. Umalatova, I. Shashviashvili and etc.). These decisions somewhat weakened the position of the KPRF in the leadership of the UPC-KPSS (by the spring of 1995, all members of the Political Executive Committee of the UPC-KPSS Council, except for K. Nikolaev, were representatives of the KPRF).
5.2.8. Roskomsoyuz
The unification of the "left" ("revolutionary") communist organizations of Russia, opposing themselves to the "opportunist" Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The prototype of Roskomsoyuz was the Russian Coordination and Consultative Council (Roskomsovet), created at a meeting of representatives of republican and regional communist parties operating on the territory of the former USSR that took place on August 8-9, 1992. He was tasked with holding a unification conference of the communists of the former Union. Representatives of almost all Russian parties that had formed "on the ruins" of the CPSU — not only the Communist Parties, but also the Socialist Party of Working People — took part in the work of the Roskomsovet. Gradually, representatives of the SPT seized the majority in the RKS, and the Roskomsovet from the organizing committee for the restoration of the CPSU turned into an initiative committee for the restoration of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. After the "restoration" of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Roskomsovet ceased its activities.
In August 1993, representatives of the RCWP, PKK, SK and the Lenin Platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (later they were joined by representatives of the AUCPB) decided to resume the activities of the Roskomsovet, the first meeting of which was held on 12 August. At a meeting on October 13, 1993, the participants of the reconstituted RCU made a decision to boycott the elections to the Federal Assembly.
At a meeting held on December 26, 1993, the leaders of the AUCPB, RKWP, PKK, both Unions of Communists, "Lenin's position in the Communist Party" (formerly "Lenin's platform in the Communist Party"), it was decided to unite these parties "into one workable whole" represented by Russian Union of Communist Parties (Roskomsoyuz). In order to constitute the RKS, it was decided in the summer of 1994 to hold an All-Russian Conference of Communists. Regarding the split in the Union of Communists, it was decided that this conflict was an internal affair of the Investigative Committee (later, representatives of the Investigative Committee of A. Prigarin took part in the work of the Roskomsoyuz). In April 1994, the Moscow City Organization of the CPSU, created by A. Prigarin, was admitted to the RCS.
On July 8, 1994, the participants in the Roskomsovet meeting decided that at the All-Russian (inter-party) conference of communists, all parties would have equal representation - no more than 40 delegates, and fundamental decisions would be made unanimously, according to previously agreed documents.
At the All-Russian (inter-party) conference of communists held on July 16-17, 1994, opinions on the nature of the created Roskomsoyuz were divided. The RCWP insisted on immediate unification, holding a unification congress in January-February 1995 with the assignment of the functions of its organizing committee to the RCWP. The PKK, SK, MGO KPSS, VKPB proposed a step-by-step plan - from coordinating the actions of various organizations to creating first a "coalition" and then a single party ("first, ideological unity, and then organizational"). In the end, the draft resolution "On the unity of the ranks", introduced by V. Tyulkin, was adopted as a basis, in which the activities of the Roskomsovet were viewed as "a step towards unification into a single party." The conference delegates unanimously acknowledged the existence of the RCC since December 26, 1993. The RCC charter and the "Ideological and political position of the RCC" were also adopted (as a basis). The documents "The Way of Russia to Socialism" (A. Prigarin) and "Declaration of the RKS" ("LP in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation") were recommended to the Council as workers. The final texts of the "General ideological and political position of the Roskomsoyuz" and the charter of the Roskomsoyuz were approved on November 29, 1994 at a regular meeting of the Roskomsovet.
At a meeting of the Roskomsovet on March 9, 1995, representatives of all parties-members of the RCC announced their decision to take an active part in elections to representative bodies of power, incl. to the State Duma. On the basis of the RKS in August 1995, an electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union" was created, in which only VKPB N. Andreeva refused to participate, which took a boycottist position - VKPB A. Lapina took part in the collection of signatures in support of the electoral association "Union of Communists", created on the basis of S. Stepanov's SK.
At a meeting of the Roskomsovet on January 16, 1996, representatives of the RKRP, PKK and RKP-KPSS announced the decision of their parties to participate in the presidential elections, while the RKP-KPSS and PKK expressed their readiness not to nominate their own candidates, but to support "a single candidate from the left forces." Representatives of the AUCPB N. Andreeva said that their party will again not take part in the elections (except for a situation if before the second round there is a danger of victory for a "pro-fascist or openly fascist presidential candidate"). The proposal of the RCP-KPSS to impart a federal character to Roskomsoyuz was rejected. An agreement was reached to hold a Roskomsoyuz conference immediately after the presidential elections.
Until now Roskomsoyuz is an informal association of "left" Communist Parties and therefore is not registered with the justice authorities.
5.2.9. Union of Popular Resistance
History. The SNC was created as an organization claiming to unite "left-patriotic, socialist and communist forces" in the struggle against "the occupation regime of B. Yeltsin." However, the leading positions in it were taken by representatives of communist-oriented organizations. Some of them (PKK, SK A. Prigarin, MGO KPSS, "Lenin's position in the communist movement") were members of the Roskomsoyuz, some (the Permanent Presidium of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the Union of Officers, the People's Movement "Union") were not part of any communist Union. All these organizations were distinguished by their rejection of the domination of the Russian communist movement by one of the largest Russian communist parties, be it the Communist Party of the Russian Federation or the RCWP. The CPRF did not suit them because of the excessive, in the opinion of the members of the SNC, inclination to compromise with the authorities, the RCWP - because of the desire to absorb all the other "left" communist parties.
The organizers of the founding conference of the SNS (December 11, 1994) were the Permanent Presidium of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (Sazhi Umalatova), the Union of Communists and the Moscow City Council of the CPSU (A. Prigarin), "Leninist Position in the Communist Movement", the PKK, the Liberal-Patriotic Party "Revival "(V. Skurlatov; the only founding party of the SNC, which called itself a non-communist organization), the Officers' Union (S. Terekhov) and the People's Movement" Union "(G. Tikhonov) - the last two organizations are completely communist organizations, in their programs doing emphasis on "state" rhetoric. The conference adopted a decision on the establishment of the SNA, adopted the draft Political Statement and Charter as a basis, and elected the Central Council. At the meeting of the Central Council held after the conference, S. Umalatova was elected its chairman.
At the plenum of the Central Council of the SNS on April 2, 1994, it was announced that the Union of Popular Resistance does not include the Union of Officers itself (according to its charter, the SO cannot be included in any other centralized associations), but its subsidiary organization, the movement "Soviet power structures of Russia" , the creation of which was first announced right there, at the plenum.
During the election campaign to the II State Duma, a split occurred in the SNC over the question of the form of participation in the elections. A. Kryuchkov's supporters advocated joining the electoral bloc created on the basis of the Roskomsoyuz parties, S. Umalatova's supporters - for the formation of an electoral bloc in which the SNC could play a leading role. At first, the position of A. Kryuchkov prevailed, and the SNS was seen as one of the founders of the "left communist" electoral bloc (in this regard, it was supposed to call it "Communists - Labor Russia - Union of Popular Resistance"). However, at the SNA conference on August 27, 1995, after the adoption of 6 new organizations in the SNA, the advantage passed to S. Umalatova, and the Popular Resistance Union refused to join the "Roskomsoyuz" electoral bloc. Representatives of the PKK lost their leading posts in the SNC, left the conference and took part in the establishment of the electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union" "with the participation of the SNS and the Patriotic Movement for the Study of the Historical Legacy of JV Stalin (the leader is Omar Begov, a member of the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation).
Despite the fact that the leading positions in the NB were held by the Union of Popular Resistance, its official founders were the Association for the Development of Private Initiatives of Citizens and the Patriotic Movement for the Study of Stalin's Historical Legacy. (SNS could not act as the founder of the bloc, since it was not registered by the Ministry of Justice.) On an informal basis, the Stalin People's Democratic Movement of Dagestan also joined the bloc. The bloc's federal list was headed by S. Umalatova, I. Shashviashvili, O. Begov. The list of the bloc was not registered by the Central Election Commission, because of the signatures collected by Our Future, only 179 thousand were recognized as valid.
After the failure to participate in the parliamentary elections, the activity of the SNA has noticeably decreased, since the fall of 1995 it practically did not make itself felt, meetings of the Central Council and the Political Executive Committee of the SNA were not held.
The SNA is not registered because it does not have a sufficient number of regional branches to be recognized as a federal organization.
Program benchmarks. As adopted at the founding conference (December 11, 1994). The political statement of the Popular Resistance Union was characterized as a movement of socialist orientation, calling "not back to perestroika or before it, but to socialism, enriched by modern experience." The main political demands of the SNA were: immediate repeal of the Constitution adopted on December 12, 1993; the resignation of B. Yeltsin and the elimination of the "presidential vertical", the adoption of a new Constitution, the holding of elections to the Soviets. In the field of economics, the SNA put forward the following demands: the restoration of state regulation and state orders (but "without a return to directive planning"), "restoration of the property of the people", the introduction of fixed prices, etc. disobedience will lead to the fall of the B. Yeltsin regime. "
Governing bodies. Leaders. By the April (1995) plenum of the Central Council of the SNA, there were 27 regional organizations, by the August - 33.
The constituent conference (December 11, 1994) elected the Central Council as the governing body of the SNA, which included 5 people from each collective member. At the meeting of the Central Council held after the conference, S. Umalatova was elected the chairman of the Central Council of the SNS, her deputies were A. Prigarin, A. Kryuchkov, I. Shashviashvili (deputy chairman of the Soyuz People's Movement). From the members of the Central Council of the SNS, the Political Executive Committee of the Central Council was formed. The plenum of the Central Council of the SNS on January 7, 1995 approved the composition of the commissions: ideological (A. Prigarin) and organizational issues (A. Kryuchkov). It was decided to postpone the creation of the remaining commissions. On April 2, 1995, the Plenum of the Central Council of the SNA elected the heads of the regional organizations of Tatarstan (R. Shakirov) and the Chelyabinsk region (S. Petrov) to the Political Executive Committee of the SNA. At the plenum of the Central Council of the SNA on August 27, 1995, representatives of the PKK N. Glagolev and A. Kryuchkov were removed from the Political Executive Committee of the SNA (the latter was also removed from the post of deputy chairman of the SNA for organizing work) and several supporters of S. Umalatova were introduced, including the chairman Moscow organization SNS V. Yanchuk.
5.3. Other communist organizations
5.3.1. S. Skvortsov's organizations
In 1987-95, Sergei Skvortsov, an employee of the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (after August 1991, the editor-in-chief of the Moscow Region Narodnaya Gazeta), created a number of communist-oriented organizations. front (1988), the United Front of Workers (1989) and the "Marxist platform in the CPSU" (1990). act as a unifier of the communist movement, creating the All-Union Committee of Communists, which held the All-Union Conference of Communists on April 15-16, 1992, which set the task of holding the “XXIX Congress of the CPSU.” The organizers of the conference reported that 130 delegates from 8 Union republics and several Dozens of regions of Russia. some, however, having declared the organizers of the event to be impostors, left the conference. On April 12, 1992, the VKK held a "founding and restoration conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation." The conference was attended by 34 delegates, who, according to the organizers, represented 20 thousand communists. On July 4, 1992, S. Skvortsov's supporters held an "extraordinary restoration XXIX Congress of the CPSU", which was attended by 85 delegates from 7 former Soviet republics, who elected 35 (out of the supposed 100) members of the Central Committee. On July 5, 1992, at the first plenum of the Central Committee, S. Skvortsov was elected secretary-coordinator of the Central Committee. The results of the "restoration" congresses of the "Skvortsov" Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the CPSU were not recognized by any of the Russian Communist Parties. Throughout 1992-95. the organizations created by S. Skvortsov did not show themselves in any way. In September 1993, Skvortsov established the Movement for Social Justice, which in 1995 tried to take part in the parliamentary elections, but was unable to collect the required number of signatures in support of its list. On January 29, 1996, the CEC registered an initiative group that nominated S. Skvortsov as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. On February 27, 1996, the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU S. Skvortsov approved the nomination of its secretary-coordinator as a candidate for the presidency, but he dropped out of the election campaign, unable to collect 1 million signatures in his support.
5.3.2. Komsomol organizations
The first informal communist organizations within the framework of the Komsomol were created in 1989-91. - Union of Young Communists (November 1989), Youth Movement "Communist Initiative" (October 1990). After the transformation of the Komsomol into the Russian Youth Union (XXII Congress; September 1991), the leaders of the DMKI Igor Malyarov, Pavel Bilevsky, Andrey Yezersky created an organizing committee for the restoration of the Komsomol ("For the revival of the Komsomol") and held a conference in November 1991, in which participation of 50 delegates from Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Latvia, North Ossetia, Bashkiria, Udmurtia, and Transnistria. At the conference it was decided to hold the XXIII (restorative) Congress of the Komsomol in the spring of 1992, and the draft new charter and program of the Komsomol were adopted as a basis. At the XXIII Congress of the Komsomol, which took place in two stages (April 18-19 and May 9-10, 1992), the Central Committee was elected, at the plenary session of which A. Yezersky was elected as the first secretary of the Central Committee on the proposal of the secretary of the MGK Komsomol I. Malyarov. Since mid-1992, relations between I. Malyarov and A. Yezersky deteriorated and in the end this led to the fact that in January 1993 Malyarov established the Russian Communist Youth Union, and in April of the same year initiated the "XXIV Congress of the All-Union Komsomol organization ", on which the Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian Komsomols actually created a" parallel "Komsomol. After that, the Komsomol and the RKSM acted independently of each other. At the same time, the primacy belonged to the RKSM - as a larger organization with more developed regional structures.
Komsomol. Throughout 1993-94. and for most of 1995 the "all-union" Komsomol of A. Yezerskiy very rarely made itself felt. On December 23, 1995, the XXIV Congress of the Komsomol of A. Yezersky was held (officially formalized as the conference "Youth for Friendship of Peoples"), at which the Komsomol program was adopted as a basis and amendments were made to the charter, providing for the transformation of the Komsomol into an association combining elements of centralized and confederative devices for various republican organizations (the decision was made due to the fact that in a number of CIS countries political organizations are prohibited from participating in centralized international organizations). The Komsomol is a collective member of the SKP-KPSS. It is difficult to determine the total number of Komsomol organizations on the territory of the Russian Federation, since many Komsomol organizations still cannot decide which of the two Komsomol centers - Komsomol or RKSM - to support.
Russian Communist Youth Union. It was formed as a republican organization within the Komsomol at the founding conference on January 23, 1993. Igor Malyarov was elected First Secretary of the RKSM Central Committee. In April 1993, the RKSM actually broke off relations with A. Yezersky's Komsomol, taking part in organizing and holding the "XXIV Congress of the All-Union Komsomol Organization" (April 1994). At the I Congress of the RKSM (September 25-26, 1993), the Program Statement and Charter were adopted, the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission were elected. All Russian communist parties were represented in the RKSM - mainly the RKWP (I. Malyarov) and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (the second secretary of the RKSM Central Committee V. Ponomarenko). In early 1995, I. Malyarov moved from the RKWP to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but continued to advocate that the RKSM remained an independent political organization uniting young people from various Communist parties. Leadership in the RCWP-oriented wing of the RKSM leadership then passed to the secretary of the RKSM Central Committee for ideology, the secretary of the Moscow city committee of the RKSM P. Bylevsky, who in December 1995 initiated the creation of youth sections of the RKSM within the RKSM. At the same time V. Ponomarenko made an attempt to create a youth organization of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on the basis of the RKSM. These tendencies provoked opposition from the majority of the Central Committee headed by I. Malyarov. At the plenum of the RKSM Central Committee on February 12, 1996, V. Ponomarenko and P. Bylevsky were removed from the Central Committee. At the same time, the plenum of the Central Committee decided to support the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the presidential elections, and I. Malyarov, on behalf of the RKSM, signed an Agreement on the creation of a "Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces" in support of G. Zyuganov on March 4. After the February (1996) plenum, supporters of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the RKWP in the RKSM openly went over to the formation of youth organizations of these parties. Before the III Congress of the RKSM (April 27-28, 1996), 11 regional Komsomol organizations oriented towards the RKWP made a statement in which they suggested expressing no confidence in I. Malyarov for "the complete collapse of the Komsomol work", "the split and discrediting of the youth communist movement" ... In this regard, the delegates from these organizations were not admitted to the congress, after which they formed an Initiative Organizing Committee for holding their own III congress of the RKSM (scheduled for summer-autumn 1996). In a special statement, supporters of the RCWP regarded the presidential elections in the Russian Federation as "a bourgeois-democratic ploy that distracts the working class from the struggle for their rights, and the communists from their primary task of organizing the class struggle of the proletariat."
In the fall of 1995, RKSM organizations existed in 78 regions, of which only 25 were active, 14 were rather weak, and the rest were initiative groups. At the beginning of 1996, about a third of the organizations of the Union consisted of members of the RKSM who were not part of any of the Russian Communist Parties, 23 organizations consisted of members of the RKWP, the rest were guided by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (in March 1996, 11 of them announced their intention to create on their own basis the youth organization of the Communist Party). The number of RKSM fluctuates within a few thousand people.
5.3.3. Russian Communist Party (RCP-KPSS)
Created in April 1995 by supporters of the leader of one of the Union of Communists Alexei Prigarin on the basis of the so-called. "Moscow city organization of the CPSU", part of the SKP-KPSS. At the founding conference of the RCP-KPSS (April 22, 1995), 66 delegates (out of 100) represented Moscow and 14 - the Moscow region. A. Prigarin was elected the first secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP-CPSU. It was assumed that the RCP-KPSS would become a Russian organization of the UPC-KPSS and, in this capacity, would be an alternative to the "opportunistic" KPRF, however, at the request of the representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the March (1995) plenum of the Council of the UPC-KPSS condemned A. Prigarin's initiative, and the RCP-KPSS so and was not recognized by the Union of Communist Parties. Immediately after its creation, the party joined the Union of Popular Resistance, of which the Union of Communists of A. Prigarin was already a collective member. In the 1995 parliamentary elections, the RCP-CPSU participated in the "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union" bloc. In March 1996, the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP-CPSU decided to support the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov in the presidential elections. In January 1996, the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation refused to register the RCP-KPSS, in response to which the party filed a claim with the court (in January the Krasnopresnensky inter-municipal court dismissed the claim, after which the leadership of the RCP-KPSS announced its intention to appeal this decision to a higher instance). The RCP-CPSU has a more or less large organization only in the Moscow region (536 members in Moscow and 50 in the Moscow region), other organizations (in Astrakhan, Belgorod, Voronezh, Kursk, Omsk, Kaluga, Oryol and Rostov regions) are much smaller.
5.3.4. Workers 'and Peasants' Russian Party
It was formed in December 1993 by the supporters of Mikhail Popov, secretary of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Workers' Party, who, during the suspension of the activities of the RKWP in the fall of 1993, proposed creating a parallel legal party under a new name with the preservation of the old abbreviation. The main part of the leadership of the Central Committee of the RKWP condemned Popov's plan as "aiding the anti-popular regime." At the II Congress of the RKWP (December 3-4, 1994) M. Popov and his supporters were not elected to the new composition of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee. On December 4-5, 1993, they held a founding congress of the Workers 'and Peasants' Russian Party. The party declared itself the legal successor of the Russian Communist Workers' Party. M. Popov was elected its chairman. The RCWP could not seriously compete with the RCWP. The party only has any effective organization in St. Petersburg, Moscow and Nizhny Novgorod.
5.3.5. "Leninist position in the communist movement"
A group uniting supporters of the former editor-in-chief of the Kommunist magazine, one of the founders of the United Front of Workers, the Communist Initiative Movement, the RKWP and Labor Russia, Richard Kosolapov. The prototype LPKD - "Lenin platform in the RCWP" - was formed at the second stage of the constituent congress of the RCWP (December 5-6, 1992), after R. Kosolapov, V. Yakushev, I. Epischeva were withdrawn from the Central Committee of the RCWP for unauthorized joining the governing bodies of the National Salvation Front. After the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in February 1993, R. Kosolapov's "Lenin Platform" was transferred from the RKRP to the KPRF. In the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, supporters of R.Kosolapov made up the orthodox communist wing. The Lenin Platform declared its main goal to fight the "national-Menshevik deviation" in the RF Communist Party, for the "Bolshevization" of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In the fall of 1993, the Leninist Platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was renamed into the Leninist Position in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and in 1994, it was renamed into the Leninist Position in the Communist Movement. R.Kosolapov took part in the development of the new program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (adopted by the III Congress in January 1995), having achieved, in particular, the exclusion of items from it on the "multi-structured model of socialism" and on "state patriotism", as well as the inclusion of a provision on the "vanguard role working class ".
The number of LPKD hardly exceeds 100 people. Its main zones of influence are the Society of Russian Scientists of Socialist Orientation and the Federation of Communists of educational, scientific and creative organizations. The governing body of the LPKD is the Working Group headed by R. Kosolapov. "Lenin's position" serves as a kind of bridge connecting the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the "left communists". R. Kosolapov has repeatedly called on the Russian Communist Parties to join the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, thereby strengthening its left wing. "Lenin's platform in the Communist Party" was a collective member of the UPC-KPSS, "Lenin's position in the Communist movement" as its successor also applied for admission to the Union of Communist Parties.
5.3.6. Stalinist organizations
A number of small orthodox communist organizations - included in their name the name of the General Secretary of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks - as proof of their adherence to "the ideals of the Lenin-Stalin cause." Among them are the Stalin Patriotic Society (1991-92; leader - V. Fedosov), the Union of Soviet Stalinists (formed in 1991; leaders - Lyudmila Markova and Viktor Fedosov), the Patriotic Society for the Study of the Historical Legacy of I. Stalin (formed and registered in the spring of 1995; leader - a member of the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the State Duma of the 1st convocation Omar Begov). More or less regularly, only the SSS reminds of its existence, annually on the day of Stalin's death (March 5), it organizes rallies at the Lenin Museum in Moscow. Stalinist organizations have a negative attitude towards the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, considering it a "party of right opportunism, a party of anti-communism," and are guided by an alliance with the RKWP, VKPB and other "left" communist parties. During the parliamentary election campaign of 1995, the Patriotic Society for the Study of the Historical Legacy of JV Stalin co-founded the Our Future electoral bloc, which failed to collect the number of signatures required for registration.
5.3.7. "Independent Marxists"
The number of non-traditional communist organizations should include a number of parties, whose predecessors in the pre-perestroika era were dissident Marxist groups, as well as informal circles of the beginning of perestroika, which were part of the All-Union Social and Political Club. All these organizations were distinguished by a tendency to build independent economic and political concepts based on Marxism, as well as a negative attitude towards the system that existed in the country in 1917-85, and rejection of the alliance of the "left" with national patriots and "sovereigns". Most of these small and marginal organizations were located in the provinces, mainly in the Urals and the Volga region.
Marxist Labor Party - Party of the dictatorship of the proletariat and its successors. For the first time, the idea of creating a "new party of the working class" was expressed at a meeting of representatives of informal Marxist groups in August 1989. For this purpose, the Union of Marxists was formed, which was entrusted with the responsibilities of the organizing committee of the founding congress of the party. At the congress held on March 24-25, 1990 in Moscow, sharp disagreements emerged between the supporters of the dictatorship of the proletariat (Yuri Leonov, Vladimir Zerkin, Nizami Lezgin, Grigory Isaev) and its opponents (Alexander Khotsei, Igor Zimin). The former announced the creation of the Marxist Workers 'Party - the Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, whose goal was the struggle "for the transfer of power into the hands of the working class", the latter created the Democratic Workers' Party (Marxist). At the II Congress of the MRP-PDP (September 14-16, 1990) the Samara organization headed by G. Isaev left the party, which formed the Workers' Party of the dictatorship of the proletariat (Bolsheviks), at the III Congress (June 1-2, 1991) - a group Moshkov, who formed the Revolutionary Workers' Party of the dictatorship of the proletariat. At the conference on February 23-24, 1991, the MRP-PDP was renamed the Marxist Labor Party, at the IV Congress (February 4, 1992) it changed its name to the Labor Party, but at the V Congress (July 24-25, 1992) it again returned name of MCI. Due to the lack of participation of the MRP in the real political struggle, the content of its internal party life is mainly theoretical disputes around the program adopted as a basis at the Second Congress. In 1994-95. In the party, a discussion was held on the issue of the attitude to the system that existed in the country in the pre-perestroika era: N. Lezgin, A. and Yu. Deev, S. Bayborodova and others interpreted it as state-capitalist (the last stage of the capitalist formation), V. Rodin and V. Buger - as a new socio-economic formation. At the congress held on January 6-7, 1996, V. Bougera's group left the party. The position taken by the MRP is expressed in the resolution adopted in September 1995 by the Ufa organization of the party "On the attitude towards the" Red Banner "bourgeois political organizations, in which such organizations as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the RKWP, the PKK, the SK and others are characterized as" bourgeois-nationalist "- in particular, in connection with the slogan they put forward for the restoration of the USSR (the MRP regards it as a manifestation of the desire to preserve the state apparatus" inherited from the neo-Asian bureaucracy of the USSR to the bourgeoisie of the republics that emerged in the place of the USSR ").
Democratic Labor Party (Marxist). It was formed at the founding congress of the MRP-PDP (March 24-25, 1990) as a result of the breakaway from that of the opponents of the dictatorship of the proletariat, headed by A. Khotsei and I. Zimin. By 1992, the DRP (m) split into three parts, after which many local groups that were part of the party actually disintegrated, and their members retired from politics and went to work in trade union and commercial structures.
Party of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It arose as a result of the withdrawal from the MRP-PDP at the II Congress (September 14-16, 1990) of supporters of the Marxist dissident A. Razlatsky (died in early 1990), who formulated the doctrine of "proletarism" in the pre-perestroika era and in the early 1980s biennium received for his views several years in the camps. According to the theory of "proletarianism", the intelligentsia, like the bourgeoisie, is an exploiting class, and therefore all intellectuals should be involved in physical labor, and the working day of the workers themselves should be reduced due to this to 4 hours. Really existed only in Samara. At first, the party was called the Workers' Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (Bolsheviks), at the conference on July 12, 1992 it was renamed the Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The leaders of the PDP are A. Razlatsky's fellow prisoner G. Isaev and A. Razlatsky Jr. The PDP describes itself as a "strike party" in the 90s. was the organizer of several strikes in Samara.
Social and political association "Worker". It was formed on the basis of the "Rabochiy" club (Sverdlovsk), created at the end of 1986. the club's influence spread beyond the boundaries of the Sverdlovsk region. At the conference of workers' activists of the Urals in March 1990, the Ural regional association "Rabochiy" was created, with the appearance of cells in a number of cities in the Volga region, renamed into the Social-Political Association "Rabochiy". The programmatic goal of the OPOR was to assert the progressive role of the proletariat (in comparison with the intelligentsia) and to fight for the "achievement of the class interests of the proletariat in a democratic way." In the fall of 1992, OPOR split into two organizations of the same name: OPOR B. Ikhlov and OPOR V. Burtnik.
Trotskyist movement. Trotskyist groups should also be classified as non-traditional communist organizations. Being in the field of theory no less orthodox than most of the Russian Communist Parties, the Trotskyists in the eyes of the latter look like representatives of a "bourgeois counter-revolution." Largely due to the negative attitude of the Trotskyists towards the Stalinist and post-Stalinist periods of Soviet history, but primarily due to the prejudice experienced by the Soviet communists in relation to the very name "Trotsky". A feature of the Trotskyist groups in Russia (except for their extremely small number - no more than 10 people each) is that the overwhelming majority of them are branches of international Trotskyist organizations (today there are about 38 relatively large Trotskyist tendencies and Internationals in the world).
The most notable Trotskyist organization in Russia is the Committee for Workers' Democracy and International Socialism, created in late 1990 by Sergei Bietz, a former member of the Democratic Communist faction in the Democratic Union. KRDMS considers itself a direct successor of the Union of Bolshevik-Leninists, founded by Leon Trotsky in 1928. The Committee sees its goal in "establishing the class rule of the proletariat." Until the beginning of 1993, it was the "national section" of the international Trotskyist organization "Militant". In February, the KRDMS split, resulting in the formation of two organizations with the same name. The group, led by British citizen Robert Johnson, remained in the ranks of the Militant. KRDMS S. Bietz, together with the Marxist Workers 'Party, advocated the creation of a "revolutionary workers' party" not associated with foreign Trotskyist organizations ").
Socialist Workers' Union. Created in early 1991. Belongs to the Workers' International for the restoration of the Fourth International (Cliff Slower's tendency). Has branches in Moscow, Tula, Voronezh, Novosibirsk. The leader is Alexey Gusev.
Group "Workers Struggle" (Tony Cliff tendency). It exists only in St. Petersburg. The most "anti-Soviet" of all Trotskyist groups, since it considers it necessary to carry out first a bourgeois-democratic revolution, and only then a socialist one. The leader is Dmitry Zhvania.
International Communist League of the IV International (Spartacists). Consists of foreigners permanently residing in Moscow. Has several supporters in Voronezh and St. Petersburg. The most "pro-Soviet" of the Trotskyist tendencies: it approved the introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, in August 1991 issued a leaflet in support of the State Emergency Committee. The leader of the group is US citizen Viktor Granovsky.
International Communist Party (ITUC, eng. Parti Communiste Internationaliste , PCI) is the name of several Trotskyist historical organizations operating in France in the 1930-1960s, primarily the French section of the Fourth International in 1944-1969.
1930s
In France, an organization called the International Communist Party was first formed in March 1936 by Raymond Molyneux and Pierre Frank. In June of the same year, the party united with two other Trotskyist organizations to form the International Workers' Party. However, since October 1936, it again acts as an independent organization. The party was not part of the Fourth International due to a number of disagreements with Leon Trotsky and the leadership of the International. It ceased to exist in the early 1940s.
Post-war period: 1944-1952
In 1944, through the merger of several Trotskyist groups - the International Workers' Party (MRP), the Committee of Communist Internationalists (CCI) and the "October" group, an organization was again created under the name of the International Communist Party. Preparations for the unification were initiated by the European Secretariat of the Fourth International, which began work in 1942. In December 1943, a meeting was held between representatives of the MCI, the CCI and the European Secretariat. In February - March 1944, the unification process was completed. By order of the conference of the European Secretariat, the ITUC Central Committee was formed, consisting of three representatives from the MCI, two from the CCI, one from the "October" group and Michel Pablo from the European Secretariat. The party published the newspaper La Veritè, which was legalized in 1945.
The first congress of the ITUC took place in December 1944. At the congress, an action plan was adopted, which included the following issues: “a reconstruction plan developed by the General Confederation of Labor, implemented under the control of workers' committees and nationalization without compensation; the government of the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the CGT; arming the people, workers' militia; international unity of action of workers ”.
A trade union commission operated within the ITUC. Party members took an active part in the first post-war strikes of 1945-1947. During the split of the General Confederation of Labor in 1947 and the creation of the CGT - Labor Force, the ITUC advocated the reunification of the confederation and published the newspaper Unité syndicale.
In the early post-war years, the PCR took part in various elections. For example, in 1945, the party's candidates ran for elections to the Legislative Assembly in Paris and the Ysere department, receiving a combined 10,817 votes. The party also participated in the general elections on June 1, 1946. She nominated 79 candidates in 11 different regions, receiving a total of 44,906 votes.
This period in the history of the party was marked by the formation of various factions in it. The faction of the "right", to which Ivan Kraipo belonged, was guided by work among the activists of the traditional left parties, in particular, among the "Young Socialists", the youth wing of the Socialist Party. In February 1946, the second congress of the ITUC was held. On it, Ivan Kraypo called for the creation of a revolutionary party "by combining progressive tendencies that are developing in the PCF and the Socialist Party." However, this proposal was rejected by a majority vote.
The third congress was held in September 1946. At the third congress, the post of General Secretary of the ITUC was introduced, which was occupied by Ivan Kraipo. At the fourth congress in November 1947, the "right" was severely criticized. At the same time, in 1947, representatives of the "right-wing faction" established contacts with French intellectuals - David Rousset, Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus. They united in the creation of the Association of Democratic Revolutionaries ( Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire). This, however, led to the expulsion of Kraipo and his supporters from the party in 1948. This decision was confirmed at the 5th Party Congress in early 1948. Pierre Frank became the new General Secretary of the ITUC.
In the 1940s-1950s, the ITUC actively spoke out about world events. In particular, against the attempts of France to restore its influence in Indochina and Algeria. In addition, the French Trotskyists responded to the breakup between Stalin and Tito in 1948. For some time they developed relations with the Yugoslav regime and its embassy in Paris. In the summer of 1950, they organized a French youth working group to be sent to Yugoslavia to help on a number of projects. The Association of Brigades in Yugoslavia was organized and also published the brochure "La Brigade".
From the split to 1968
In 1952, the party experienced a split, which organizationally took shape in 1953 after the split of the Fourth International. The reason for the split was the tactics adopted by the Fourth International at the Third World Congress in 1951. In accordance with this tactic, the Trotskyists had to join the mass communist and social democratic parties. This tactic was known as "entryism sui generis".
June 1968 cover of the Quatrième internationale
The French Trotskyists failed to enter the Communist Party. However, in the late 1950s, a split occurred in the SFIO, as a result of which the Autonomous Socialist Party was formed, which later transformed into the United Socialist Party (USP). The members of the ITUC decided to join the PCP. One such activist was Rudolf Prager. He was elected to the Central Committee of the PCP, although he did not hide his affiliation with the Trotskyist movement. He remained a member of the OCP until the 1969 presidential campaign, when he publicly endorsed Communist League candidate Alain Krivin in place of the OCP candidate Michel Rocard.
In addition, the ITUC had influence in the Union of Communist Students (SCS), which was headed by Alain Krivin in the early 1960s. Under the leadership of Krivin, the University Anti-Fascist Front ( Front Universitaire Antifasciste), whose task is to fight the supporters of the SLA in the Latin Quarter of Paris and elsewhere. In 1965, at the SCS congress, supporters of Alena Krivin, who were the left wing of the SCS, began to fight for the "right to form trends" and "consistent de-Stalinization of the PCF." In the following year, 1966, they were all expelled from the Communist Party and created the Revolutionary Communist Youth (RKM) organization, which played an important role in the May 1968 events. Pierre Franck welcomed the establishment of the RCM and provided extensive support to the organization.
ITUC also actively participated in the May events. The ITUC condemned the attempts of the official Communist Party to weaken the uprising. Its publications condemned the negotiations between the PCF and the CGT on the end of the general strike, which then shook France, called for the unity of workers and students, the overthrow of de Gaulle's government and the creation of a workers' government. After the end of the events of May - June 1968, both organizations were banned - both the RCM and the ITUC. In 1969, they were united into the Communist League, later better known as the Revolutionary Communist League.
Literature
- Robert J. Alexander. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. - Durham: Duke University Press, 1991.
- A. L. Semenov. Leftist student movement in France. - M .: "Science", 1975.
Notes (edit)
| Predecessor: |
In the middle of the XIX century. as a result of the emergence of hired workers, a new and numerous proletarian class was formed. Initially, the labor movement was local in nature. Workers' activists organized small circles, among which Marxist ideology began to spread, calling for the creation of a new society in which there would be no exploitation.
The efforts of the communists, whose theories were based on the teachings of K. Marx and F. Engels, were aimed at uniting the working class throughout the world and using this powerful political force to fight the bourgeoisie and imperialism. The communists were in favor of national freedom and against racial hatred.
Workers and peasants in different countries of the world were in the same position and experienced oppression and oppression from the bourgeoisie, so they supported the ideas of communism and began to create communist parties everywhere. At that time, practically every country and on every continent had their own communist parties.
The Communist Party acted as a force capable of preparing and implementing the revolutionary transformation of society on the basis of planned collectivism. The communist parties were of particular importance in the colonial and dependent countries, they were able to rally the people in the struggle for their national independence.
In 1918, communist parties emerged in Germany, Poland, Finland, Austria, Hungary and the Netherlands. Social Democratic parties in Bulgaria, Argentina, Sweden and Greece shared the ideas of the communists and actively supported them. In Italy, Czechoslovakia, France, Romania, Italy, Great Britain, Switzerland, Denmark, Switzerland, USA, Canada, China, Korea, Brazil, Australia, the Union of South Africa and other countries of the world, at the same time, communist groups and circles formed.
In January 1919, on the initiative of V.I. Lenin held a meeting of leaders of communist parties and parties sharing the ideas of communism, at which it was decided to convene an international congress. Thus, with the participation of representatives of the revolutionary proletarian parties of the countries of Europe, America, Asia and Australia, the Communist International was created, which united the labor movement throughout the world.
Thanks to the efforts of the communist parties, Soviet states arose in 1919 in Hungary, Bavaria, and Slovakia. In the USA, France, Great Britain and Italy, a movement was organized to defend Soviet Russia from the intervention of the imperialist powers. In the colonial and semi-colonial countries of China, Korea, India, Turkey and Afghanistan, a massive national liberation movement grew. The number of communist parties that have joined the Communist International has grown every year.
Subsequently, in the face of the growing threat of fascism, the Comintern was able to unite communists from different countries into a united workers' front to fight the German and Japanese invaders. In the vanguard of the anti-fascist movement was the VKP (b), its leading role in the fight against the aggressor was recognized in all countries.
In the largest cities of the world, the communist parties held mass meetings, demonstrations, meetings and conferences, at which a decision was made on the active participation of workers in the struggle against the fascist invaders. Only through common efforts and often in conditions of the most severe persecution was it possible to defeat the enemy. But even after the war, communication between communist parties from different countries continued and had a positive impact on strengthening friendly relations between the peoples of the world.
International Communist Party (ITUC, eng. Parti Communiste Internationaliste, PCI) is the name of several Trotskyist historical organizations operating in France in the 1930-1960s, primarily the French section of the Fourth International in 1944-1969.
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History
1930s
In France, an organization called the International Communist Party was first formed in March 1936 by Raymond Molyneux and Pierre Frank. In June of the same year, the party united with two other Trotskyist organizations to form the International Workers' Party. However, since October 1936, it again acts as an independent organization. The party was not part of the Fourth International due to a number of disagreements with Leon Trotsky and the leadership of the International. She published the newspaper La Commune and the magazine La Vérité (Pravda). It ceased to exist in the early 1940s.
Post-war period: 1944-1952
In 1944, through the merger of several Trotskyist groups - the International Workers' Party (MRP), the Committee of Communist Internationalists (CCI) and the "October" group, an organization was again created under the name of the International Communist Party. Preparations for the unification were initiated by the European Secretariat of the Fourth International, which began work in 1942. In December 1943, a meeting was held between representatives of the MCI, the CCI and the European Secretariat. In February - March 1944, the unification process was completed. By order of the conference of the European Secretariat, the ITUC Central Committee was formed, consisting of three representatives from the MCI, two from the CCI, one from the "October" group and Michel Pablo from the European Secretariat. The party published the newspaper La Veritè ( Truth), which received legal status in 1945.
The first congress of the ITUC took place in December 1944. At the congress, an action plan was adopted, which included the following issues: “a reconstruction plan developed by the General Confederation of Labor, implemented under the control of workers' committees and nationalization without compensation; the government of the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the CGT; arming the people, workers' militia; international unity of action of workers ”.
A trade union commission operated within the ITUC. Party members took an active part in the first post-war strikes of 1945-1947. During the split of the General Confederation of Labor in 1947 and the creation of the CGT - "Labor" ( Force ouvriére) ITUC advocated the reunification of the confederation and published the newspaper Unité syndicale.
In the early post-war years, the PCR took part in various elections. For example, in 1945, the party's candidates ran for elections to the Legislative Assembly in Paris and the Ysere department, receiving a total of 10,817 votes. The party also participated in the general elections on June 1, 1946. She nominated 79 candidates in 11 different regions, receiving a total of 44,906 votes.
This period in the history of the party was marked by the formation of various factions in it. The faction of the "right", to which Ivan Kraipo belonged, focused on work among the activists of the traditional left parties, in particular, among the "Young Socialists", the youth wing of the Socialist Party. In January 1946, the second congress of the ITUC was held. On it, Ivan Kraypo called for the creation of a revolutionary party "by combining progressive tendencies that are developing in the PCF and the Socialist Party." However, this proposal was rejected by a majority vote.
The third congress was held in September 1946. At the third congress, the post of General Secretary of the ITUC was introduced, which was occupied by Ivan Kraipo. At the fourth congress in November 1947, the "right" was severely criticized. At the same time, in 1947, representatives of the "right-wing faction" established contacts with French intellectuals - David Rousset, Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus. They united in the creation of the Association of Democratic Revolutionaries ( Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire) - a leftist anti-Stalinist party that adhered to the principles of democratic socialism. This, however, led to the expulsion of Kraipo and his supporters from the party in 1948. This decision was confirmed at the 5th Party Congress in early 1948. Pierre Frank became the new General Secretary of the ITUC.
In the 1940s-1950s, the ITUC actively spoke out about world events. In particular, against attempts by France to restore its influence in Indochina and Algeria. In addition, the French Trotskyists responded to the breakup between Stalin and Tito in 1948. For some time they developed relations with the Yugoslav regime and its embassy in Paris. In the summer of 1950, they organized a French Youth Working Group to be sent to Yugoslavia to help with a number of projects. The Association of Brigades in Yugoslavia was organized and also published the brochure "La Brigade".
From the split to 1968
In 1952, the party experienced a split, which organizationally took shape in 1953 after the split of the Fourth International. The reason for the split was the tactics adopted by the Fourth International at the Third World Congress in 1951. In accordance with this tactic, the Trotskyists had to join the mass communist and social democratic parties. This tactic was known as "entryism sui generis".
In addition, the ITUC had influence in the Union of Communist Students (SCS), which was headed by Alain Krivin in the early 1960s. Under the leadership of Krivin, the University Anti-Fascist Front ( Front Universitaire Antifasciste), whose task is to fight the supporters of the SLA in the Latin Quarter of Paris and elsewhere. In 1965, at the SCS congress, supporters of Alena Krivin, who were the left wing of the SCS, began to fight for the "right to form trends" and "consistent de-Stalinization of the PCF." In the following year, 1966, they were all expelled from the Communist Party and created the Revolutionary Communist Youth (RKM) organization, which played an important role in the May 1968 events. Pierre Franck welcomed the establishment of the RCM and provided extensive support to the organization.
ITUC also actively participated in the May events. The ITUC condemned the attempts of the official Communist Party to weaken the uprising. Her publications condemned the negotiations of the PCF and the CGT on the end of the general strike, which then shook France, called for the unity of workers and students, the overthrow of the de Gaulle government and the creation of a workers' government. After the end of the events of May - June 1968, both organizations were banned - both the RCM and the ITUC. In 1969, they were united into the Communist League, later better known as
What has become. Sukharev Tower, destroyed in 1934. The first metro line. Multicolored and marvelous ... .. ". Konstantin Yuon. “It Was in Penkovo,” Alexander Deineka. Features of the new socialist culture. "New Moscow". "Pig and Shepherd". "Mastering the tractor". S. Kirsanov “Our hands will learn everything. We will pull out all the riddles on a string. "Lovers". "Red Jew". The walls of Kitai-gorod. "Storming the Kremlin in 1917". Talkies.
"USSR in the 20s and 30s" - Social policy. Results in the political sphere. The ideological basis of the course is the Stalinist concept of the country's development. Reasons for the clotting of NEP. Economic transformation. Causes of the Civil War. Approval of the command-administrative model of the economy. The personal power regime of I.V. Stalin. The first Soviet Constitution. Characteristic features of NEP. Soviet state and society (1917 - late 1930s). Reasons for the defeat of anti-Soviet forces.
"Foreign policy of the USSR in the 20s" - Recognition band. An attempt to "kindle" the fire of the world revolution. The Rappal Treaty and its meaning. Curzon's ultimatum. International situation and foreign policy in the 20s. Comintern. Conference participants. Foreign policy factor. Diplomatic conflicts with the West. Genoa Conference. Directions of foreign policy in the 20s. The first peace treaties. The strip of diplomatic recognition of the USSR. Feature of contracts.
"NEP in Siberia" - History of the Russian economy. External labor migration during the NEP period. The New Economic Policy (NEP) has had a positive impact. It should be noted that the interpretation of the NEP gradually changed. New economic policy. The country's economy during the NEP years. NEP: new strategy or new tactics. The working class of Siberia during the recovery of the national economy. NEP in Siberia: Lost Chances. NEP: gains and losses.
"Culture of the USSR 20-30" - Formation of skills to work with additional literature. Ilya Repin. Mass compulsory literacy training. Geneticist N.I. Vavilov. Moving towards universal primary education. Outstanding Writers. Mandelstam and Akhmatova. Ukrainian hut. Cultural Revolution. Reform of Russian spelling. The method of socialist realism. Spiritual life. Sorokin P.A. Implementation of uniform artistic canons. Development of exact and natural sciences.
"NEP Policy" - The NEP Years. War communism. Surplus allocation. Kronstadt mutiny. Party leadership. Volkhovstroy. Private hands. Proletarian culture. Danger. Chervonets. Changes. Ilyich's light bulb. The crisis of the politics of war communism. New economic policy. Food squad. Construction of the Kashirskaya power plant. Workers' control. The Council of People's Commissars is carrying out a complete nationalization of enterprises. The need for a transition to NEP.
