The Manifesto of October 17, 1905 (October Manifesto) is a legislative act developed by the supreme power of the Russian Empire in order to put an end to unrest and strikes in the country.
The manifesto was developed on the orders of Nicholas the 2nd in the shortest possible time and became a response to the ongoing strikes that have been taking place throughout the country since October 12. The author of the Manifesto was S. Witte, the full name of the document is the Supreme Manifesto on the improvement of the state order.
The main essence and purpose of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 is to give civil rights to the striking workers and to fulfill a number of their demands in order to stop the uprising. The manifesto became a necessary measure.
Background to the creation of the October 17 Manifesto
The manifesto became one of the most notable events of the first Russian revolution (1905-1907). By the beginning of the 20th century. the country was in a rather deplorable state: there was an industrial decline, the economy was in a state of crisis, the public debt continued to grow, and lean years caused massive famine in the country. in the second half of the 19th century. had a strong impact on the economy, but the current management system in the country could not adequately respond to changes.
Hard-pressed peasants and workers, who could not feed themselves and also had limited civil rights, demanded reforms. Distrust of the actions of Emperor Nicholas II led to the growth of revolutionary sentiment and the popularization of the slogan "Down with the autocracy."
The trigger at the beginning of the revolution was the events of Bloody Sunday, when the imperial troops shot down a peaceful demonstration of workers on January 9, 1905. Mass riots, strikes and riots began throughout the country - people demanded that the sole power be taken away from the emperor and given to the people.
In October, the strikes reached their peak, more than 2 million people were on strike in the country, pogroms and bloody clashes were regularly held.
The reaction of the government and the process of creating the Manifesto on October 17
The government tried to deal with the riots by issuing various decrees. In February 1905, two documents were published simultaneously, which contradicted each other in content:
- Decree allowing the population to submit for consideration documents on changing and improving the state system;
- Decree proclaiming the inviolability of autocracy.
The government gave citizens the freedom to express their will, but in fact this freedom was fictitious, since the right to make a decision still remained with the emperor, and the power of the monarchy in Russia could not be legally reduced. The demonstrations continued.
In May 1905, a new project was submitted to the Duma for consideration, which provided for the creation in Russia of a single legislative body that would allow taking into account the interests of the people in making important decisions for the country. The government did not support the project and tried to change its content in favor of the autocracy.
In October, the riots reached their peak, and Nicholas II was forced to make peace with the people. The result of this decision was the Manifesto of 1905, which laid the foundation for a new state structure - a bourgeois constitutional monarchy.
Main provisions of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905
The main provisions of the October Manifesto:
- The manifesto granted freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and the formation of unions and public organizations;
- wider sections of the population could now participate in the elections - the suffrage appeared among those classes that had never had it before. Thus, practically all citizens could now vote;
- The manifesto obligated to consider and approve all bills in advance through the State Duma. From now on, the sole power of the emperor weakened, a new, more perfect legislative body began to form.
Results and Significance of the October Manifesto
The adoption of such a document was the first attempt in the history of Russia by the state to give the people more civil rights and freedoms. In fact, the Manifesto not only gave suffrage to all citizens, it proclaimed certain democratic freedoms that were necessary for Russia's transition to a new type of government.
With the introduction of the Manifesto, the legislative right from the sole (only the emperor had it) was now distributed between the emperor and the legislative body - the State Duma. A parliament was established, without whose decision no decree could come into force. However, Nicholas did not want to lose power so easily, so the autocrat reserved the right to dissolve the State Duma at any time, using the right of veto.
The changes made by the Manifesto to the basic laws of the Russian Empire actually became the beginning of the first Russian constitution.
The right to freedom of speech and assembly has led to the rapid growth of various organizations and unions throughout the country.
Unfortunately, the Manifesto was only a temporary agreement between the peasantry and the emperor and did not last long. In 1917 a new revolution broke out - the autocracy was overthrown.
Manifestation October 17, 1905. I.E. Repin. 1907-1911 St. Petersburg, State Russian Museum
1905 On October 30 (October 17, O.S.), Nicholas II's manifesto "On the Improvement of the State Order" was published, which declared the granting of political freedoms to Russian citizens, personal immunity, and the expansion of the electoral qualification in elections to the State Duma. The manifesto of October 17, 1905 was prepared by S. Yu. Witte, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire, who considered constitutional concessions the only way to defuse the revolutionary atmosphere in Russia.
1905 On October 30 (October 17, O.S.), Nicholas II's manifesto "On the Improvement of the State Order" was published, which declared the granting of political freedoms to Russian citizens, personal immunity, and the expansion of the electoral qualification in elections to the State Duma. The manifesto of October 17, 1905 was prepared by S. Yu. Witte, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire, who considered constitutional concessions the only way to defuse the revolutionary atmosphere in Russia. “The first Russian revolution (1905-1907) began on January 9, 1905. This day went down in the history of Russia as "Bloody Sunday". On this day in St. Petersburg, the tsarist troops shot down a peaceful procession of workers to the Winter Palace to petition the tsar about the needs of the workers. The shooting of a peaceful demonstration in St. Petersburg caused an outburst of indignation throughout the country. Mass strikes, demonstrations and protest rallies are taking place in the cities. The revolutionary movement grew. It covers new areas and new segments of the population. The armed forces of tsarism also wavered. This was evidenced by the uprising on the battleship Potemkin (June 14, 1905). Soviets of Workers' Deputies are beginning to be formed everywhere. The first Soviet of Workers' Deputies was created in May 1905 in Ivanov-Voznesensk.
The highest upsurge of the revolution falls on October and December 1905. In October, the All-Russian political strike took place, which swept 120 cities. More than 2 million people took part in it. Under these conditions, the last Russian Emperor Nicholas II was forced to make concessions. On October 17, 1905, he signed the Manifesto, which proclaimed political freedoms in the country and the convocation of a legislative body in the person of the State Duma. Formally, such a step meant the transformation of the autocracy into a constitutional monarchy. The manifesto created legal conditions for the formation of political parties. In 1906, there were already more than 50 parties in the country.
Quoted from: Kudinova N.T. History of Russia IX-XX centuries. Khabarovsk: HSTU Publishing House, 2003
S.Yu. Witte.
“On October 17, a manifesto “on the improvement of the state order” followed. This manifesto, which, whatever its fate, will constitute an era in the history of Russia, proclaimed the following:
"Troubles and unrest in the capitals and in many places of our empire fill Our heart with great and heavy sorrow. The good of the Russian Sovereign is inseparable from the good of the people and the people's sadness. The great vow of the Tsar's service commands Us with all the forces of Our mind and power to strive for the speedy end of the turmoil so dangerous for the state. debt, We, for the most successful implementation of the general measures intended by Us to pacify the life of the state, recognized it necessary to unite the activities of the highest government.
We entrust the government with the fulfillment of Our inexorable will:
1) To grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of real inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and associations.
2) Without stopping the planned elections to the State Duma, now to enlist in participation in the Duma, to the extent possible, corresponding to the shortness of the period remaining until the convocation of the Duma, those classes of the population who are now completely deprived of voting rights, thereby providing further development of the beginning of general suffrage again established legislative order (i.e., according to the law of August 6, 1905, the Duma and the State Council).
3) Establish as an unshakable rule that no law can take effect without the approval of the State Duma, and that the elected representatives of the people are provided with the opportunity to really participate in supervising the regularity of the actions of the authorities appointed by Us.
We call on all the faithful sons of Russia to remember their duty to their homeland, to help put an end to the unheard-of turmoil and, together with Us, exert all their strength to restore silence and peace in their native land.
Quoted by: Witte S.Yu. Memories, memoirs. In 3 volumes. Moscow: Skif Alex, 1994
History in faces
A.P. Izvolsky, memoirs:... the publication of the manifesto was accompanied in the provinces by a series of riots and anti-Jewish pogroms. These events took Count Witte by surprise and prompted immediate countermeasures at court. The reactionary party seized the opportunity to raise its head and try to renew its influence on the emperor. A fierce struggle ensued between this party and Count Witte. After the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, Count Witte ... found himself the object of severe attacks from the extreme right and left and met with complete indifference on the part of moderate liberals. When I left Count Witte ... I was struck by the pessimistic nature of his next remark: "The manifesto of October 17 averted an immediate catastrophe, but it was not a radical cure for the situation that has been created, which still remains threatening. All I can hope for is is to preserve the situation without major upheavals until the opening of the Duma, but even in the realization of this hope I cannot be completely sure. A new revolutionary explosion is always possible." Such pessimism ... was explained solely by the deep disappointment that Witte experienced in connection with the immediate results of the publication of the manifesto, and, moreover, by the lack of sympathy on the part of the liberal party, which he could not foresee; he had high hopes for this game. (...)
Quoted from: Izvolsky A.P. Memories. M.: International relations, 1989. S. 19, 21.
The world at this time
- In 1905, an avant-garde movement appeared in French painting, called "fauvism" (from the French fauve - "wild"). This name appeared at the Paris Autumn Salon, where Henri Matisse, André Derain, Maurice de Vlaminck, Georges Rouault, Kees van Dongen, Albert Marquet presented their works. The artists did not form a single group and did not use the name "Fauves" themselves, but they were united by common creative principles. The artistic style of the Fauvists was characterized by the spontaneous dynamism of the brushstroke, the desire for the emotional power of artistic expression, bright color, piercing purity and sharp contrasts of color, the intensity of open local color, and the sharpness of rhythm.
A lion in the desert devours an antelope. A. Russo. 1905 Riehen, Beyeler Foundation Museum
Fauvism was the first artistic movement that enriched the culture of the 20th century. Its name comes from the French word fauve - “wild”, and it appeared after the Autumn Salon of 1905, where Henri Matisse, André Derain, Maurice de Vlaminck, Georges Rouault, Kees van Dongen, Albert Marquet and other artists presented their works. The critic Louis Vauxcelles, describing the impression of their work, noted that the statue that appeared in the same room, which was made in the style of the Italian Renaissance, strikes with its naivety, like “Donatello among wild animals”. The definition taken up by Matisse stuck. After a short time, both Russian and German artists began to call themselves "wild" - adherents of the new art.
The Autumn Salon created a real sensation: the previously unknown Fauvism suddenly showed signs of a well-established trend. Prior to this, the masters were not united by either theoretical platforms or joint exhibition activities. There was no group as such. However, the general desire for a new pictorial language - emotional, bright - for some time made them very similar. They had many common roots - a passion for the painting of Gauguin and Van Gogh, the work of divisionists and their theory of pure color, oriental and primitive art.
The Fauves did not reckon with any laws established in European painting: perspectives, chiaroscuro, gradual thickening or softening of color, the primacy of drawing in the structure of the picture. "The starting point of Fauvism," wrote Matisse, "is a decisive return to beautiful blues, beautiful reds, beautiful yellows - the primary elements that excite our senses to the very depths."
Woman in a hat. A. Matisse. 1905 San Francisco Museum of Modern Art
Impressionism, around which so many copies were breaking yesterday, next to the canvases of the Fauvists looked like quite traditional, realistic art. “Imagine the world the way we want” - many artists who have mastered the discoveries of impressionism, but were not satisfied with them and strove for self-expression, could subscribe to these words of Derain. Each of them, having a bright personality, created his own world. Therefore, after a brief joint sound, their choir broke up into separate voices - Fauvism as a trend lasted only a few years.
André Derain (1880-1954) remained faithful to his youthful predilection for the old masters, whom he carefully studied at the Louvre. Derain's works are characterized by deeply thought-out composition and coloring, attention to form. In the Autumn Salon of 1905, the artist exhibited views of Collioure (a place on the Mediterranean coast where he spent the summer with Matisse) and a self-portrait. Derain successfully worked in the field of book graphics, illustrated the works of French poets Guillaume Apollinaire and Andre Breton. He is also known as an artist who made theatrical scenery for the ballets "Russian Seasons".
Maurice de Vlaminck (1876-1958) did not receive a systematic art education and proudly admitted that he "did not cross the threshold of the Louvre." His landscapes are dynamic in form and vibrant in color. Working in the "classic" Fauvist manner, he really almost did not mix colors, he painted either with geometrically correct, wide separate strokes, or with Van Gogh's steep curls.
Georges Rouault (1871 - 1958) was one of the students of Gustave Moreau and even, according to the will of the master, became the main custodian of his collection, transferred to Paris. The work of stained glass, with which Rouault began his career in art, influenced his pictorial manner: he usually limited color forms to a wide black outline. Against the background of the general festive mood of the painting of the Fauvists, the canvases of Rouault amaze with tragedy. The artist's characters are clowns, street girls, grotesquely ugly residents of the city suburbs. Paintings on gospel themes, usually glorifying the greatness of the spirit, in Rouault are imbued with a poignant feeling of weakness and defenselessness of a person.
Kees van Dongen (real name Theodore Marie Corneille, 1877–1968) was a Dutch-born French painter. On his canvases, lively relief strokes are combined with radiant, even areas, as if illuminated from within. Van Dongen's paintings shocked the audience: he usually depicted representatives of the social bottom and did it defiantly, poster, catchy. However, getting used to his manner, behind the apparent rudeness and vulgarity, one can detect the refinement and peculiar harmony inherent in the new era.
The poetic simplicity of the landscapes of Albert Marquet (1875-1947) set him apart from the Fauvist surroundings. Even when he painted with pure colors and used contrasting colors, their combinations were subtle, refined. Unlike other Fauvists, this artist did not so much follow his imagination as he carefully peered into reality (his favorite nature was docks and harbors). Modest landscapes fascinate with calmness and lyricism so that those who see them under the impression of real views - the sea, the sky, ships and boats with colored flags - immediately have the thought: "Like Marche!".
Socialist parties
1903- II Congress of the RSDLP, the adoption of the party program. The split of the party into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks.
December 31, 1905- The I Congress of the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) in Finland adopted a program and charter.
Liberal parties
October 12–18, 1905 d. - Creation of a liberal political party - constitutional-democratic (the party of the Cadets, which also called itself the "People's Freedom Party").
November 10, 1905- Formation of the party "Union of October 17" (Octobrists) - a right-liberal party.
Right parties
1905-1907- There are parties that stood on the extreme right positions, including monarchists and nationalists "Black Hundreds".
October 1905- Creation of the "Union of the Russian people" by the extreme right.
1907- Formation of an independent organization "Russian People's Union" named after Michael the Archangel, headed by V. M. Purishkevich, which broke away from the "Union of the Russian People".
The beginning of Russian parliamentarism
October 17, 1905-Manifesto of Nicholas II "On the improvement of the state order", the proclamation of a number of civil freedoms (personal immunity, freedom of speech, assembly, unions), the expansion of suffrage, the real participation of the State Duma in lawmaking. Laws after the adoption by the Duma were approved by the king. Executive power, governmental power remained with the king.
February 20, 1906- Manifesto on the transformation of the Council of State from an advisory body into the upper house of parliament.
April 23, 1906- Approval by Nicholas II of the "Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire": the assignment of legislative power to the State Council and the State Duma. The definition of imperial power as unlimited was eliminated.
June 3, 1907- Decree of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the II Duma and the introduction of the "Regulations on elections" to the State Duma (new electoral law). According to the Manifesto of October 17, the tsar did not have the right to independently change the electoral law: therefore, the June events began to be called a coup d'état.
DICTIONARY OF PERSONALIES
Azef Evno Fishelevich (1869-1918)- one of the organizers of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, the leader of a number of terrorist acts. A provocateur, since 1892 a secret employee of the police department, he betrayed many members of the party and the "Combat Organization" to the police. In 1908 he was exposed, sentenced to death by the Central Committee, disappeared.
Gershuni Grigory Andreevich (1870-1908)- one of the organizers and leaders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, the head of the "Combat Organization", led a number of terrorist acts.
Guchkov Alexander Ivanovich (1862-1936) capitalist, politician Founder and Chairman of the Central Committee of the "Union of October 17". Member and Chairman of the III State Duma (1910-1911). During the First World War, the chairman of the Central Military-Industrial Committee. Together with V. V. Shulgin, he accepted the abdication of Nicholas II, and then - Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. The first composition of the Provisional Government included the Minister of War and the Navy. Since 1918 in exile.
Dubrovin Alexander Ivanovich (1885-1918)- doctor, founder of the "Union of the Russian people". After the October Revolution, a participant in counter-revolutionary conspiracies. Shot for anti-Soviet activities.
Martov L. (Zederbaum Julius Osipovich, 1873-1923)- one of the active participants in the revolutionary movement. In 1895 he was a member of the St. Petersburg Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class. Since 1903 - one of the leaders of Menshevism in the RSDLP. In 1905 he was a member of the St. Petersburg Council of Workers' Deputies. Since 1919 - a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Since 1920 - an emigrant.
Milyukov Pavel Nikolaevich (1859-1943)- historian, public figure, one of the leaders of the liberal movement in Russia. Founder and leader of the constitutional democratic party (cadets). Member of the III and IV State Duma. In the first composition of the Provisional Government - the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He took an active part in the white movement in southern Russia. Since 1920 - in exile.
Muromtsev Sergey Andreevich (1850-1910)- lawyer, professor, publicist, public (zemstvo) figure. One of the founders and leaders of the Cadets Party. Chairman of the First State Duma.
Purishkevich Vladimir Mitrofanovich (1870-1920)- a large landowner, one of the founders of the Union of the Russian People and the Union of Michael the Archangel. Deputy I, II, IV State Duma. One of the leaders of the extreme right, distinguished by hooligan speeches in the Duma. He took part in the murder of G. E. Rasputin.
Rodzianko Mikhail Vladimirovich (1858-1924)- one of the leaders of the Octobrist party, a monarchist; large landowner, deputy of III, IV State Duma. Since 1911 - Chairman of the Duma.
Chernov Viktor Mikhailovich (1873-1952)- one of the founders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, its theorist. In the revolutionary movement - from the 80s. 19th century In May-August 1917 - Minister of Agriculture of the Provisional Government. Chairman of the Constituent Assembly (1918). Since 1920 - in exile.
Chkheidze Nikolai Semyonovich (1864-1926) Social Democrat, Menshevik Member of the III and IV State Duma, chairman of the Social Democratic, and then the Menshevik faction in the Duma. After the February Revolution - Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets. Since 1921 - in exile.
GLOSSARY OF TERMS AND CONCEPTS
Bolshevism- an ideological and political trend in Russian Marxism, which took shape in 1903. It was a continuation of the radical line in the revolutionary movement in Russia. At the II Congress of the RSDLP in 1903, during the elections of the governing bodies, supporters of V. I. Lenin received a majority and began to be called Bolsheviks. Their opponents, led by L. Martov, began to be called Mensheviks by a minority of votes. Bolshevism advocated the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the construction of socialism and communism. The revolutionary practice of the 20th century rejected many provisions of Bolshevism as utopian.
Cadets (Constitutional Democrats)- "Party of People's Freedom" - one of the largest political parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. It existed from October 1905 to November 1917. It represented the left wing in Russian liberalism. She advocated a constitutional monarchy, democratic reforms, the transfer of landlord lands to peasants for redemption, and the expansion of labor legislation. Leaders: P. N. Milyukov, V. D. Nabokov and others. They dominated the I and II Dumas. In August 1915, the Progressive Bloc was created with the aim of achieving victory in the war and preventing revolutionary uprisings. The party was banned after the October Revolution of 1917
Liberalism (lat. - free)- a trend that advocated parliamentarism, bourgeois rights and freedoms, the democratization of society and the expansion of entrepreneurship. He rejected the revolutionary path of transformations, sought changes by legal means, reforms.
Menshevism- a trend in Russian social democracy, which was formed at the II Congress of the RSDLP (1903) from a part of the delegates who received a minority during the elections of governing bodies. Leaders: G. V. Plekhanov, L. Martov, I. O. Akselrod and others. After the February Revolution, they supported the Provisional Government, did not recognize the October Revolution, believing that Russia was not ripe for socialism. Part of the Mensheviks went over to the Bolsheviks.
Octobrists- members of the right-liberal party "Union of October 17", created after the publication of the Manifesto by Nicholas II on October 17, 1905. According to the Octobrists, this document meant Russia's transition to a constitutional monarchy. The party considered its main task to be assistance to the government if it follows the path of social reforms. Program: a constitutional monarchy in a single and indivisible Russian state, the solution of the agrarian question without the alienation of landowners' lands; limited right to strike and an 8-hour day. The party represented the industrial and commercial bourgeoisie, liberal-minded landlords, part of the officials and the wealthy intelligentsia, the leaders of the Octobrists: A. I. Guchkov, M. V. Rodzianko, etc.
"Progressives" ("progressive party")- the national-liberal party of the big Russian bourgeoisie and landlords (1912-1917), occupied an intermediate position between the Octobrists and the Cadets. The founders of the party were textile manufacturers A. I. Konovalov, V. P. and P. P. Ryabushinsky, S. N. Tretyakov, and others.
Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs)- the largest party in Russia 1901-1923. They advocated the elimination of the autocracy, the establishment of a democratic republic, the transfer of land to the peasants, democratic reforms, etc. They used the tactics of terror. Leaders - V. M. Chernov, A. R. Gots and others.
June 3 coup d'état of 1907- the dissolution of the II State Duma and the publication of a new electoral law in violation of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905. It was the end of the revolution of 1905-1907, after which the bourgeois third of June monarchy was established - the union of the tsar, the nobles and the big bourgeoisie, united by the State Duma, pursuing a policy of maneuvering.
Trudoviks- The "Labor Group" in the 1st and 4th State Dumas from the deputies of the peasants and the populist intelligentsia, which acted in a bloc with the left forces for the nationalization of the land and its transfer to the peasants according to the labor norm, for democratic freedoms (1906-1917).
Black Hundreds- members of extreme right-wing organizations in Russia in 1905-1917, speaking from the positions of monarchism, great-power chauvinism and anti-Semitism ("Union of the Russian People", "Union of Michael the Archangel", etc.). They fought against the revolutionary movement, supported the repressive measures of the government.
112 years ago, Nicholas II proclaimed freedom of speech and assembly and established the State Duma. The first days after the reform were remembered for the escalation of revolutionary violence, executions, dispersal of protesters and pogroms by the monarchists.
In October 1905, the All-Russian October political strike began, which became the apogee of the First Russian Revolution. Moscow railroad workers went on strike, then the strike spread to the whole country, including St. Petersburg. Almost all large industrial enterprises were on strike in the capital. The railway network of the European part of Russia was paralyzed.
The royal family was blocked in Peterhof, the ministers arrived on steamboats to report to the emperor. Post, telegraph, telephone did not work, there was no electricity and gas. Nevsky Prospekt was de-energized and illuminated only by a searchlight from the Admiralty.
Rally near St. Petersburg University after the tsar's manifesto. You can see how a red flag is attached to the cross
On October 13 (26), 1905, the Social Democrats and the workers of the capital formed the St. Petersburg Council of Workers' Deputies, which led the strike movement and by October 17 (30) and, due to its influence, became an alternative "government" in the capital paralyzed by the strike.
It was headed by non-partisan Social Democrat lawyer Georgy Khrustalev-Nosar. The "non-factional Social Democrat" Leon Trotsky enjoyed great influence in the Soviet.
"Do not spare cartridges"
On October 14 (27), the famous order of the comrade (deputy) Minister of the Interior and St. Petersburg Governor-General Dmitry Trepov appeared: "Do not spare cartridges." Soviet historiography made him a symbol of the cruelty of the authorities towards the protesters. However, the full version of the quote specified that they were going to use firearms only when the crowd resisted: “If ... somewhere there were attempts to organize riots, then those would be stopped at the very beginning and, therefore, they would not receive serious development. I have given orders to the troops and police to suppress any such attempt immediately and in the most decisive manner; if there is resistance from the side of the crowd - do not give blank volleys and do not spare cartridges.
Petersburg Governor-General Trepov remained in history thanks to a single phrase
Mstislav Dobuzhinsky, "October Idyllia"
The protesters in their intentions and actions were no less cruel to law enforcement officers. The tactics of behavior with individual policemen and soldiers during the strike and on the eve of the planned uprising was as follows: “On the outskirts, attack policemen, beat them and take weapons. Having received a sufficient number of weapons, quietly kill sentry arsenals and plunder weapons. This is the data of secret informants - the revolutionary underground was riddled with them.
“Even without weapons, detachments can play a very important role: 1) leading the crowd; 2) attacking, at an opportunity, a policeman who accidentally strayed off a Cossack ... etc. and taking away his weapon "
Vladimir Lenin in the article "The Tasks of the Revolutionary Army Detachments", October 1905
In the same article, Lenin proposed pouring acid on the police, and in one of his October letters he wrote that the protesting units should “begin military training in immediate operations, immediately. Some will immediately undertake the murder of a spy, the explosion of a police station ... Let each detachment learn by itself at least by beating policemen: dozens of victims will more than pay off by giving hundreds of experienced fighters who tomorrow will lead hundreds of thousands. A few days before the demonstrations on October 18, 1905, a signal was sent to the already radicalized masses to beat the police, gendarmes and soldiers.
naive dreams
October 17, 1905 at 6 pm Nicholas II signed the "Highest Manifesto on the improvement of the state order." This document established the State Duma and proclaimed a number of freedoms, in particular, freedom of assembly. Many representatives of the bureaucracy greeted this news with undisguised relief. The head of the Moscow Security Department, Alexander Gerasimov, recalled the idealistic delight that the news of the granted freedoms caused among high-ranking security officials, Governor Dmitry Trepov and Vice Director of the Police Department Pyotr Rachkovsky:
Sorry to keep you waiting. Sergei Yulievich just called. Thank God, the manifesto is signed. Given freedom. Introduced popular representation. A new life begins.
Rachkovsky was right next to me and met this news enthusiastically, echoing Trepov:
Thank God, thank God… Tomorrow they will celebrate Christ in the streets of St. Petersburg,” said Rachkovsky. And, half-jokingly, half-seriously addressing me, he continued: “Your business is bad. You won't have any work now.
I answered him:
No one will be as happy about this as I am. I will gladly retire. From here I went to the mayor Dedulin. There they met me with the text of the manifesto in their hands and spoke in the same words as Trepov:
Well, thank God. Now a new life will begin.
Memoirs of Alexander Gerasimov
Rachkovsky's naive dreams were not destined to come true.
Rallies, executions and pogroms on October 18, 1905: map
Freedom holiday
At night, the manifesto was posted on the streets of St. Petersburg. Liberal oppositionist, lawyer Vladimir Kuzmin-Karavaev witnessed this: “On the half-lit Nevsky Prospekt ... here and there there were groups of people who were reading a manuscript or a printed text in tight rings. Small groups of demonstrators passed by. "Hurrah" sounded. Together with the students and workers, soldiers and policemen listened attentively to the reading. Newsboy boys shouting "Constitution!" began selling the evening supplement to the Government Bulletin. Night onlookers in a fit of enthusiasm applauded even the Cossack patrols.
The first rumors and news about the manifesto appeared at night, and in the morning the first rallies of awakened citizens were already gathering, then they turned into real revolutionary “freedom holidays”. The demonstrators seized the center of the city - this has never happened before in tsarist Russia and the next time it will happen only in the February Revolution.
The rallies were held near the building of the University, the Kazan Cathedral and the Technological Institute, where the police had arrested students the day before after shelling a cavalry patrol. No one understood whether the demonstrations were legal after the release of the manifesto. The old rules and orders were no longer in effect, and the new ones had not yet been issued. But both the city authorities and the lower ranks on that day, with rare exceptions, did not interfere with the rally elements.
“The policemen - some sullenly hid in the doorways, others - a few - with a smile made a visor, and others - with undisguised anger and threat, looked at the procession and the red flags. So the youth shouted: Hey, pharaoh, under the visor! The red banner is coming! And, looking around as if hunted, they reluctantly saluted.
Revolutionary Boris Perez
Execution on Zagorodny and dispersal at the Technological Institute
One of the demonstrations at about 3 p.m. moved from Nevsky Prospekt along Zagorodny to the Technological Institute in order to free the students who had been arrested the day before. When the crowd approached the corner of Gorokhovaya Street and Zagorodny Prospekt, one of the companies of the Semyonovsky Life Guards Regiment came out of Begovoy Lane. She blocked the avenue, preventing the demonstrators from connecting with the second revolutionary crowd at the Technological Institute and trying to free the arrested students.
The demonstrators began to turn towards Gorokhovaya Street. A young man climbed onto a lamppost and began a speech about the need to overthrow the sovereign, remove troops from the streets to the barracks, resign the governor-general and organize the people's militia. The soldiers of the Semyonovsky regiment fired a volley, he killed the speaker and wounded four, including a seven-year-old boy. The officers exceeded their powers, even according to Trepov's order "Do not spare cartridges." The demonstrators did not resist, being in front of the soldiers, the demonstration was ready to turn to Gorokhovaya Street.
So the revolutionaries portrayed the atrocities of the authorities near the Technological Institute
Even before the execution of the demonstration on Zagorodny Prospekt, a motley crowd had gathered in front of the building of the Technological Institute. There were also companies of the Semyonovsky regiment and a squadron of horse guards. The police certificate (report of the police chief of the 4th district of Halle) reported that the Semenovites were given "instructions to take decisive measures on their part only in case of aggressive actions of the crowd." The captain of the Semyonovsky regiment Levstrem commanded the guards, the cavalry squadron of Cornet Frolov was subordinate to him.
As indicated in the same police certificate, the crowd threw stones at the horse guards. Cornet Frolov asked Levstrem for permission to attack the crowd with the whole squadron. Correspondents of the "Universal Little Newspaper" described in detail what happened and pointed out that Levstrom formally forbade the attack and only allowed the squadron to move forward into the crowd. But Frolov ordered to expose the checkers and quickly and harshly dispersed the crowd. In this attack, the university's assistant professor and one of the symbols of the metropolitan opposition, historian Yevgeny Tarle, was wounded.
An hour after the execution of the crowd on Zagorodny Prospekt, a student, the son of a general, Alexander Smirnov, attacked the head of the gendarmerie department of the Tsarskoye Selo railway, Major General Shmakov. The general with several officers walked along Zagorodny Prospekt. Smirnov considered this particular gendarmerie general to be guilty of shooting the demonstrators. The attack was unsuccessful: the student only slightly injured Shmakov's face with a blunt Finnish knife, was seriously wounded by the sabers of gendarmerie officers and taken to the Obukhov hospital.
At 4 pm on the corner of 8th Rozhdestvenskaya (now 8th Sovetskaya) and Kirillovskaya streets, a crowd with red flags with the inscription "Freedom" surrounded policeman Ivan Kozlovsky. He was about to be beaten for "allegedly beating some drunken old man" (from the police incident report). The policeman drew his saber and retreated into the courtyard of his barracks on Kirillovskaya Street. Stones were thrown at the gate, Kozlovsky fired several times through the gate bars and wounded two. The crowd dispersed.
Jewish pogroms
On the night of October 19, monarchist-minded rioters became more active in the capital. A crowd of about 1,000 people under a white flag - the color of the monarchy - at Apraksin Market attacked and beat several Jews walking and driving from Nevsky Prospekt. Opposite house number 25 on Sadovaya Street, an honorary citizen, a pharmacist Lev Ginitsynsky, was beaten, at house number 29, a pharmacy assistant Vladislav Benyaminovich was beaten. The police arrived in time to snatch the victims from the hands of the crowd. The local bailiff and police officers Kozlovsky and Popov were hit with a stick by the thugs.
The future Duma deputy Vasily Shulgin in his memoirs with a touch of anti-Semitism described the victorious frenzy of the supporters of the revolution at the City Duma in Kiev:
“During the height of speeches about the “overthrow”, the royal crown, fixed on the Duma balcony, suddenly fell off or was torn off and, in front of a crowd of ten thousand, crashed on the dirty pavement. The metal clanged plaintively against the stones... And the crowd gasped. The words ran through it in an ominous whisper: “The Jews have thrown off the royal crown ... The crowd, among which the Jews stood out the most, burst into the meeting room and, in revolutionary fury, tore up all the royal portraits that hung in the hall. Some emperors had their eyes gouged out, others were subjected to all sorts of other humiliations. Some red-haired Jewish student, having pierced the portrait of the reigning emperor with his head, wore the pierced canvas, shouting frantically: “Now I am the king!”
Vasily Shulgin "Years"
The mutually aggressive skirmishes in the areas of the discriminatory Jewish Pale of Settlement in October 1905 were reported by various observers. The German consul in Kharkov, Schiller, reported to his leadership about the prominent role of the Jews: “The first mass meetings in Yekaterinoslav, as I was told by quite trustworthy persons who were eyewitnesses, were organized and led by Jews. At the same time, a group of Jews on the main street torn and trampled into the mud the portrait of the emperor.
Of course, the main actors in the demonstrations were not only Jews, but they had their own reasons to celebrate the fall of the autocracy.
At the end of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, there is an appeal: Nicholas II called on "all the faithful sons of Russia to remember their duty to their Motherland, to help end this unheard-of turmoil and, together with us, exert all their strength to restore silence and peace in their native land." It was a call to loyal subjects to organize themselves and help overcome the consequences of the revolution in the new legal conditions. The call was understood in a peculiar way: pogroms began throughout Russia, beatings of Jews, students and exiled oppositionists.
How the revolutionaries saw the manifesto. Below is the signature: "Major General Trepov put his hand to this sheet"
After October 17, about 650 pogroms took place in the Russian Empire in 36 provinces, 100 cities and towns. Almost half are in the Jewish Pale.
From October 20 to 22, a particularly brutal pogrom took place in Tomsk. The city, like St. Petersburg, was simultaneously under the rule of radicals and the tsarist administration. On October 19, the revolutionaries of Tomsk created the Committee of Public Security and the revolutionary militia - a squad of workers and students - and tried to seize power from the governor and the police. The administration was demoralized: the manifesto came as a surprise to it. The autocracy has fallen, the revolution has won, what laws are still in force, and which have been repealed? The police were afraid to show themselves on the street, officials were slow to make decisions. On October 19, even before the receipt of the amnesty decree of October 21, the release of political prisoners began.
On the morning of October 20, right-wing citizens, many of whom were suffering financial losses due to the general strike, staged a demonstration in support of the emperor. Along the way, four "internal enemies" were killed - this is how the right-wing press called "Kids, socialists and students." On Novosobornaya Square, the monarchists clashed with the revolutionary police, who opened fire on the demonstrators. In response, the Cossacks arrested some of the policemen and locked them in the building of the railway administration. Monarchists set fire to the building and killed those who tried to escape. The police and soldiers were inactive, the city leadership did not react to what was happening. The next day, the beating of Tomsk Jews began. For two days, under the singing of the anthem, the monarchists robbed Jewish shops, the security forces did not interfere. Only on October 23, the authorities began to stop robberies and murders. For another week, students were afraid to appear on the street in their easily recognizable form. In total, about 70 people died these days.
Text: Konstantin Makarov, Olga Dmitrievskaya
Layout and map: Nikolay Ovchinnikov
