Plan
Introduction
1 Background
2 First stage (1236-1237)
3 Second stage (1237-1238)
4 Third stage (1238-1239)
5 Fourth stage (1239-1240)
6 Fifth stage (1240-1242)
6.1 Actions of the northern corps
6.2 Actions of the southern corps
6.3 Return to the East

9 Bibliography
9.1 Sources

Introduction

Western campaign of the Mongols ( Kipchak campaign) - the campaign of the troops of the Mongol Empire in Eastern Europe in 1236-1242 led by Chingizid Batu and the commander Subedei.

1. Background

For the first time, the task of conquering the Kipchaks, as well as the task of reaching the city of Kiev, was set to Subedei by Genghis Khan in 1221:

After the victory in the battle on the Kalka River (over the Mi-chi-sy-lao, that is, the Mstislavs), the Mongols abandoned the plan of a campaign against Kiev and were defeated by the Volga Bulgars on their way to the east in 1224.

Genghis Khan handed over to his son Jochi for management " the country of the Kipchaks"(Polovtsy) and instructed him to take care of the expansion of possessions, including at the expense of Russian lands. After the death of Jochi in 1227, the lands of his ulus passed to his son Batu. Ogedei, the son of Genghis Khan, became the great khan. Persian historian Rashid ad-Din writes that Ogedei “ in pursuance of the decree given by Genghis Khan to Jochi, entrusted the conquest of the Nordic countries to members of his house ».

In 1228-1229, having ascended the throne, Ogedei sent two 30-thousandth corps to the west (at the same time, Mongolian troops were operating on other fronts). One, led by Chormagan, south of the Caspian Sea against the last Khorezm Shah Jalal ad-Din (was defeated and died in 1231), to Khorasan and Iraq. Another, led by Subedei and Kokoshai, north of the Caspian Sea against the Kipchaks and Volga Bulgars, who were defeated in the battle on the Yaik River already in 1229 (and in 1232 When Tatarov came and the wintering did not reach the Great City of Bolgar ).

The "Secret Legend" in relation to the period 1228-1229 reports that Ogedei

However, in 1231-1234, the Mongols fought a second war with Jin, and the movement to the west of the united forces of all uluses begins immediately after the decision of the kurultai of 1235.

LN Gumilyov estimates the size of the Mongolian army in a similar way (30-40 thousand people). In modern historical literature, another estimate of the total number of the Mongolian army in the western campaign is dominant: 120-140 thousand soldiers, 150 thousand soldiers

Initially, Ogedei himself planned to lead the Kipchak campaign, but Munke dissuaded him. In addition to Batu, the following Chingizids took part in the campaign: the sons of Jochi Orda-Ezhen, Shiban, Tangkut and Berke, the grandson of Chagatai Buri and the son of Chagatai Baydar, the sons of Ugedei Guyuk and Kadan, the sons of Tolui Mongke and Buchek, the son of Genghis Khan in Kulkhan Arghasan.

First stage (1236-1237)

The troops sent to help the Jochids set out on a campaign in the spring of 1236 and in the fall within the Volga Bulgaria united with Batu. The cities of Bulgar, Bilyar, Kernek, Zhukotin, Suvar scattered like ashes.

The Bulgar refugees were received by Yuri Vsevolodovich Vladimirsky and settled in the Volga cities. Rashid-ad-Din attributes the encirclement and defeat of the Bular camp by Batu and Shiban at the big river to the events in the Volga Bulgaria, on this is the version of the independent conquest of Bulgaria by the Jochids and the movement of the Munke corps already in 1236 along a more southern route, along the Polovtsian steppes. Juveini's "kelars and bashgirdas, a large people of Christian confession, who, they say, live next to the Franks" confronted the Mongols after the Mongol invasion of Russia, presumably it is about the battle on the Chaio River in Hungary in the spring of 1241.

After the defeat of Bulgaria, in the spring and summer of 1237, troops led by Batu, Horde, Berke, Guyuk, Kadan, Buri and Kulkan invaded the lands of Burtases and Mordovians. Hungarian missionary monk, Dominican Julian, who preached in the Polovtsian steppes, writes about one of the princes “ mordukanov"(Mordovians), which," speaking on the same day ..., with all his people and family ... obeyed the Tatars". The annals of Waverley Monastery under the year 1239 contain the "Epistle of the Hungarian Bishop to the Bishop of Paris on the Tatars", which says: "... On the way ahead of them (the Tatars) are certain tribes, called the Mordans, who indiscriminately destroy the people they meet."... Thomas Splitsky also reported about the first replenishment of the Mongol army at the expense of the defeated Polovtsians and the Volga peoples before the campaign against North-Eastern Russia.

Munke and Buchek moved from Bulgaria to the south along the Polovtsian steppes on the two banks of the Volga. Polovtsian Khan Kotyan Sutoevich together with 40 thousand of its people went to Hungary. Rashid ad-Din writes about the leader of the Polovtsian resistance, captured on one of the Volga islands, taken prisoner in the summer of 1237 (summer 1238, according to R. P. Khrapachevsky): “Bachman implored that Mengu-kaan [himself] with his blessed hand brought his business to the end; he [Mengu-kaan] ordered his brother Buchek to cut Bachman in two ”and speaks of the first clash with the Alans, the North Caucasian people.

Second stage (1237-1238)

Julian reports that in the fall of 1237 the entire Mongol army was divided into four parts, three of which were preparing for an invasion of Russia in winter: to the countries of the West, divided into four parts. One part by the Etil (Volga) river on the borders of Russia with eastern edge approached Suzdal. Another part in the southern direction was already attacking the borders of Ryazan, another Russian principality. The third part stopped opposite the Don River, near the castle Oveheruch, also the principality of Russians. They, as the Russians themselves, the Hungarians and Bulgarians, who fled in front of them, verbally conveyed to us, are waiting for the land, rivers and swamps to freeze with the onset of the coming winter, after which it will be easy for the multitude of Tatars to plunder all of Russia, the entire country of Russians. "

According to Rashid-ad-Din (and the Chinese "History of the Mongols"), Munke participated in the campaign against North-Eastern Russia. He calls him a later "kaan" and tells about how he "personally performed heroic deeds until he defeated them [the Russians]." The importance attached by the Chingizids to the conquest of the Russians is evidenced by Ogedei's monologue addressed to Guyuk, who was dissatisfied with Batu's leadership.

After the defeat of the troops of the Ryazan principality, the Mongols took Ryazan on December 21, 1237, after the battle at Kolomna with the combined forces of North-Eastern Russia in early January 1238, in which Genghis Khan's son Kulkhan died, Kolomna fell. Then the Mongol army was overtaken by a detachment of Evpatiy Kolovrat who had returned from Chernigov. The most stubborn resistance to the Mongols came from Moscow (taken on January 20), Vladimir (February 7), Pereslavl-Zalessky, Tver, Torzhok (March 5), Kozelsk (early May 1238). At the beginning of March 1238, the secondary forces of the Mongols, thanks to the factor of surprise, were able to destroy the united Russian army and kill Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich Vladimirsky in the battle of the City. Veliky Novgorod, the largest city in the northern part of the Volga trade route, was not reached.

Third stage (1238-1239)

Perhaps, in the summer of 1238 (and not in the summer of 1237) the Polovtsian uprising and victory over the Alans were suppressed by Munke and Buchek. The next action of the southern corps of Munke (together with Kadan) was the victory over the Circassians (western neighbors of the Alans) and the assassination of their ruler at the end of 1238.

At the turn of 1238-1239, an uprising of the Volga Bulgars and Mordovians began in the Volga region. Rashid-Ad-Din writes about the Bulgars:

There was a new invasion of the lands of North-Eastern Russia (the outskirts of Nizhny Novgorod, Gorodets, Gorokhovets, Murom, Ryazan again).

Berke, sent to the west against the Polovtsy, captured three Polovtsian commanders and on March 3, 1239 took Pereyaslavl-Yuzhny - possession Vladimir princes, which, when Daniel Galitsky traveled to Batu in 1245, was under the direct authority of the Golden Horde. Presumably, the Ryazan principality was in the same position until 1252, until the wounded and captured in December 1237, the only (see Ingvar Ingvarevich) survivor of the Ryazan princes during the invasion, Oleg Ingvarevich Krasny, was released there.

Fourth stage (1239-1240)

In the fall of 1239, the Mongols directed an attack on the possessions of Mikhail Vsevolodovich of Chernigov and Kiev. Chernigov was besieged by the Mongols on October 18, 1239 and taken with the use of powerful siege technology. During the siege, an army led by Mstislav Glebovich, Mikhail's cousin, came to the aid of the city, but was defeated. After the fall of Chernigov, the Mongols did not go north - archaeological research showed that Lyubech (in the north) was not touched, but lands and cities along the Desna and Seim were plundered and ruined, including Putivl, Glukhov, Vyr and Rylsk. According to one version, Munke led the campaign against the Chernigov principality.

At the end of 1239, the troops of Guyuk, Munke, Buri, and Kadan launched an offensive against the city of Minkas (Minkas, Metses). According to Rashid ad-Din, the siege of the city lasted one month and 15 days. According to Juvaini, the city was rich and populous, its surroundings were covered with swamps and dense forest, it was taken by the Chingizids together in a few days and became extreme point the advancement of the troops of the Mongols in Russia. The Chinese "Yuan-shi" calls Met-tse-sy an Alanian city and specifies that the siege began in late November-early December 1239 and lasted 3 months.

The detachments of Shiban, Buchek and Buri (he was mentioned during the siege of Minkas) on December 26, 1239 took Surozh in the Crimea.

Munke approached the Dnieper opposite Kiev (R.P. Khrapachevsky, a supporter of the version of the siege of Minkas in the North Caucasus, dates this event of the winter of 6748 no earlier than February-March 1240 and calls it reconnaissance), sent an embassy to the city with a demand for surrender, but the embassy was destroyed by the people of Kiev. Mikhail Vsevolodovich (together with Mstislav Glebovich) left for Hungary, trying to marry the daughter of the Hungarian king Bela IV Anna for his son Rostislav (unsuccessfully), then to Poland to Konrad Mazovetsky.

Why did the Tatar-Mongols, having conquered the vast expanses of Eurasia (from China to Russia), suddenly stopped their campaign "to the last sea" and spared Western Europe? One of the most important mysteries of world history has not yet been unequivocally explained. Recently, scientists, relying on chronicles and "archives" of nature itself (tree rings), recreated the microclimate of Eastern Europe and pointed out the decisive role of natural factors in the Mongolian strategy. The cold and rainy spring of 1242, the swamping of the Central Danube Plain, coupled with the plundering of the region, made it difficult to supply the army, and as a result, the Mongols chose not to risk it by returning to the southern Russian steppes. Historians reflected on the relationship between climate, politics and military affairs in the 13th century in the pages of Scientific Reports.

Gog and Magog attack

The task of conquering the Polovtsy and reaching Kiev was set by Genghis Khan (in 1221), but the Mongols began to implement these plans only under his son Ugedei, after the kurultai (congress of khans) in 1235. An army under the command of Batu (Batu), the grandson of Genghis Khan and an experienced commander Subedei, numbering about 70 thousand people, moved to the west. The details of the campaign to northeastern and southern Russia are well known to everyone from school. After the burning of Kiev, Batu captured the cities of southern and western Russia, up to Galich and Przemysl, where he settled down for the winter of 1240/1241.

The next goal of the Mongols is obvious - Hungary, located on the Middle Danube Plain, the extreme western part of the great belt of the Eurasian steppes. In addition, it was there, to King Bela IV, that the defeated Polovtsians, the old enemies of the Tatar-Mongols, migrated. But the army was divided: the 30-thousandth army victoriously passed the Polish lands, defeating the Polish-German army in the battle of Legnica (April 9). However, the Mongols did not move to Germany, turned south and through Moravia ended up in Hungary - where the main forces of the nomads had invaded even earlier.

Image: Nature

Batu's corps moved through the Veretsky Pass in the Carpathians, Kadan's corps - through Moldova and Transylvania, Buchek's detachment - by a southern route, through Wallachia. Such a formation was planned by Subedei - to force the Hungarians to split their forces and smash them piece by piece. The main forces of Subedei walked more slowly, acting as a reserve. After the capture of many cities and difficult maneuvers, on April 11, the Mongols utterly defeated the Hungarian-Croatian army on the Shajo River and began the administrative restructuring of the conquered part of Hungary.

After resting for several months, in the winter of 1242, Batu's army crossed the frozen Danube and began to siege the cities, and Kadan's corps went to ravage Croatia, where the Hungarian king hid. However, the Dalmatian fortress Klis did not submit to the Mongols. In the spring of 1242, for a still unknown reason, Batu and Subedei turned back and through Bosnia, Serbia and Bulgaria returned to the southern Russian steppes.

The Riddle of Retreat

What made the Mongols stop their victorious invasion into the depths of Europe and even leave the conquered Hungary, where they had already appointed the Baskaks (tribute collectors) and minted the coin? Most often, Batu's retreat is explained by the sudden death of Khan Ogedei in December 1241 - Chingizid wanted to arrive at the kurultai in Mongolia as soon as possible in order to participate in the election of the great khan. However, against this hypothesis is evidenced by the fact that Batu never made it to the kurultai, but remained on the territory of his ulus (the future Golden Horde).

It is believed that the Tatar-Mongols did not intend to conquer Europe, but only wanted to punish their enemies, the Polovtsians, who had already been defeated at the Kalka River. Kypchakov was sheltered by the Hungarian king, who ignored the Mongols' demands to extradite them. This version is supported by the purposeful hunting of Batu on Bela IV, for the pursuit of which in the winter of 1242 a whole corps was allocated. However, this version does not explain why the Mongols began to include Hungary in their state and why they later abandoned this project.

More justified are explanations of a military nature: the difficulty of taking fortresses in the trans-Danube part of Hungary, heavy losses in manpower and the poverty of the Pannonian Plain, unable to feed the troops, forced the Mongols to turn back. However, the Avars and the Hungarians did not stop three or four centuries ago.

Dirt, slush and crop failure

The authors of the new study rightly point out that all these explanations are too general. To understand the logic of Batu and Subedei, one must at least have a clear idea of ​​the geography, climate and weather of 1240-1242 in the theater of operations. Mongolian commanders very closely watched natural conditions(this is known from the letter of Khan Hulagu to the French king) - and scientists admit that rapid climatic shifts influenced both the successful conquest of Hungary and the decision to leave it a year later.

Image: Széchényi National Library, Budapest

So, in the spring-autumn of 1241, the Mongols quickly move through the Hungarian lands, capturing one fortress after another. Nobody put up organized resistance to the invaders, and they freely plundered, killed and captured the local population. Summer was early (the chronicler mentions heat during the Battle of the Chaillot - April 11) and warm. The chronicle says that the Mongols did not burn cereals in the fields, took care of fruit trees and did not kill the peasants who were harvesting. That is, they did not turn agricultural land into pasture because their horses did not lack food.

But the cold and snowy winter of 1242 came early. First, she helped the Mongols: the Danube froze over, the nomads crossed the river and began to siege the fortresses of Bela IV (usually the Mongols did not start campaigns in winter). But luck turned away from them: because of the early thaw, they could not take Szekesfehervar. “The snow and ice melted, and the swampy area around the city became inaccessible,” writes the Hungarian chronicler. Because of the same impassable mud, Kadan's corps sent to Dalmatia was forced to retreat from the city of Trogir.

Soil scientists know that the lowlands of Hungary are very easily flooded. If the winter is snowy and the spring is rainy, then the vast plains quickly turn into swamps. By the way, the Hungarian steppes "dried up" only in the 19th century, thanks to the drainage projects of the Habsburgs - before that, the spring floods of numerous rivers formed many kilometers of swamps. Mud and mud canceled out the effectiveness of siege weapons and reduced the mobility of the cavalry.

Image: Nature

Cold rainy spring, late appearance of grass and waterlogging of plains sharply reduced the area of ​​pastures - Mongolian horses, already weakened by a heavy winter, did not have enough food. The Mongols realized that there was no need to expect a big harvest in 1242. And so it happened: a terrible famine broke out in Hungary in the fall.

So the Mongols' decision to retreat looks quite reasonable. The weather conditions also influenced the choice of the route to return to the southern Russian steppes - through Serbia and Bulgaria. The Batu army preferred the drier and higher mountainous areas along the foothills of the Carpathians to the marshy plains.

History is driven by climatic anomalies?

“In my opinion, it is rather rash to explain the stoppage of the Mongolian advance to Europe as a two-year weather anomaly. The Mongols have led wars of conquest in extremely unfavorable climatic conditions, their troops operated in areas poorly suited or completely unsuitable for cavalry operations (South China, Afghanistan, Burma, Kashmir), and even organized naval expeditions (failed invasion of Java).

Historian Alexei Kupriyanov specially for "Lenta.ru": It should be noted that the Mongols won victories in these campaigns with the help of local allies and auxiliary units recruited from local natives, using the conquered territories as a base for further expeditions. During the invasion of Europe, the Mongols had no one to rely on: behind them lay the devastated southern Russian steppes and burnt cities (one of the few exceptions was the Bolokhov land, the princes of which entered into an alliance with the Mongols in exchange for the supply of fodder), the army was exhausted by a long campaign, while while in front of them was Western Europe, densely saturated with fortified cities and castles, with a warlike population. At the same time, a struggle for power began in the Mongol Empire, and under these conditions, Batu Khan, naturally, preferred to return to the banks of the Volga and begin the construction of his ulus. Therefore, from my point of view, it is too early to abandon the traditional theory in favor of the "climate" hypothesis. "

When recreating the "weather history" of the western campaign, the authors of the article did not limit themselves to random facts from medieval chronicles. Tree ring data from northern Scandinavia, the Central Eastern Alps, the Romanian Carpathians, and the Russian Altai helped determine summer temperatures in Europe for 1230-1250. Judging by the mountains closest to Hungary, in 1238-1241 the summer was long and hot - this, in particular, could attract the Mongols there. However, the years 1242-1244 are characterized by colder summers. Moreover, in 1242 on the territory of the Czech Republic, southern Poland, western Slovakia, northwestern Hungary and eastern Austria - and only there, on the territory of the conflict - an abnormal amount of precipitation fell.

Scientists emphasize that the influence of climate on history is not total and static, but random and dynamic. So, the fleeting anomaly of 1242 (cold spring plus a lot of precipitation) played a rather serious role for the Mongols - who have always been flexible in their goals and objectives - decided not to go ahead, but to retreat, saving people and horses. Similarly, typhoons ("kamikaze", divine wind), saved this country from conquest at the end of the XIII century.

One way or another, the Tatar-Mongols confined themselves to the South Russian steppes in the West. Scientists cautiously note: it is not yet possible to finally establish whether the nomads retreated due to political factors (the death of Ogedei) or deciding that the Hungarian lands, too vulnerable to weather fluctuations, are not suitable for them as a springboard (and a rear base). It is worthwhile to study the environment of the 13th century more thoroughly: for example, to unearth the fortresses besieged by the Mongols (and the mud at their walls), to understand the state of the rivers and swamps of the Pannonian Plain - and other regions of Eurasia, through which the Mongols (including Russia) walked.

In 1236, a campaign began to the West, to the Polovtsians. The Mongols themselves called this campaign Kypchak. The first blow was struck at the Volga Bulgaria. They were brutal, all the captured cities were burned, and the population was killed. Conquered by other peoples: Mordovians, Burtases, Bashkirs. At the same time, Guyuk and Mengu fought with the Polovtsy between the Volga and the Don. Bachman was the leader of the Volga Cumans, only 3 years later, in 1239, was it possible to defeat them and execute Bachman. At the end of 1237, they went to Russia, first approached Ryazan. The city resisted for 5 days, the population was killed. Then we moved to Kolomna. Batytsy managed to completely encircle the Russian army and destroy it. Vsevolod managed to escape with a small squad. Kolomna surrendered. After that, the Batu people moved to Moscow, they also took it within 5 days. The city of Vladimir resisted for 3 days. Within a short time, all Russian troops were destroyed, Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich died. Until 1240, the Horde made every effort to conquer the Kipchaks of the North Caucasus and the Black Sea steppe. Khan Kotyan did not submit, and with his horde left for Hungary. Kotyan forced Batu and Subudei to pursue him deep into Europe. However, instead of using Kotyan's troops, the Hungarian magnates treacherously killed Kotyan. His kimaks (komans) and part of the Polovtsy went to the Balkans. In autumn 1240 Batu attacked Kiev, which was taken within a month. After the capture of Vladimir-Volynsk, the cousins ​​of Buri, Guyuk and Mengu, having quarreled with Batu, with their troops returned to their Ulus.

Batu went to Western Europe with the troops of his Ulus and the Tumen of Subudey, that is, with the Cossack tribes of the Middle and Younger Zhuzes. During this period, the Ulus Ogedei and Tule with their Mongolian troops fought against the Chzhurchens of the state of Jin (China), and Ulus Jagataia, together with the Elder Zhuz of the Cossacks, fought against the tribes of India and Iran. Batu divided his troops into 3 parts: Baydar, the son of Jagatai, went to Poland; Kadan, the son of Ogedei, attacked Wallachia and southern Hungary, Batu himself moved through the Carpathians to Central Hungary. In Hungary lived mainly Magyars (descendants of the Huns), akin to the Kypchaks. Batu in a general battle defeated the troops of King Bela (bel-ostov, loin) on the Shayo River. Bela fled. With these victories, Batu panicked the whole of Europe. In May 1241 Moravia, Slovakia were captured. Moved further to Poland, Alemannia (Germany). The Polish-German knightly army led by Prince Heinrich was defeated. He died, the states were ruined. The Battle of Liginets in 1241 showed the great advantage of the Horde in equestrian combat. The knightly cavalry was first stopped by well-aimed Mongol archers, then destroyed by flanking attacks. The knights could not oppose anything. By the spring of 1242 Kadan fought the Adriatic coast of Croatia and reached Trieste. In December 1241, the owner of the throne of all Mongolia, the Great Khan Ogedei, died. After receiving the message of death, according to custom, Batu had to express his condolences - this saved Europe from complete conquest. In 1242, Batu interrupted further hostilities in connection with his departure to the main headquarters of the Great Khan Ogedei. Having finally defeated Bulgaria, having finished with his main rag - the Polovtsians - and having conquered the countries of Europe, Batu returned to the banks of the Lower Volga. All of Europe breathed a sigh of relief. During the campaign to the West in 1236-1242. Batu conquered the Black Sea steppes of the Kimaks and Kipchaks, the territory of Rus, and a significant part of Western Europe. Khan Batu in the conquered territories created the Great Power “Golden Horde” (Altyn Horde) with its capital in the new city “Saray” (golden moon) near the present-day Tsarev. The city of Saray was founded by Batu in 1242-1254. He transferred the headquarters from Ulytau (in Kazakhstan) to the city of Saray. The most beautiful city was built using the achievements of Chinese architecture, Central Asia, Russia and Europe. The city of Saray had political and commercial ties with the cities of Asia, Europe, Iran and Khorezm. The Golden Horde, through conquests, significantly expanded the borders of the Ulus Jochi at the expense of the Kypchak Black Sea region and the steppes of the Caucasus, Russia, Bulgaria and part of Europe. Batu Khan conquered the peoples of the West mainly with troops from the Cossack tribes inhabiting the Ulus Jochi. These are Naimans, Argyns, Kimaks, Kereis, Jalair, Konrats, Alshins and other tribes, not Tatars or even Mongols at all. The troops and the population of the Golden Horde communicated in the Kypchak (Polovtsian) language. Perhaps the Russians of that period spoke the same language. After all, they communicated (married) with the Polovtsy without translators. Troops from the Kyats and other Mongol tribes constituted an insignificant part (about 2 thousand), since the Mongols (Muguls) were mainly in the troops at the main headquarters in Karakorum and fought with China during this period.

The areas along the lower course of the Syr Darya and up to the Ulytau mountains in the north were the possessions of the Horde of Ichen, Batu Khan's brother, and were called the White Horde. The capital was Sygnak. In the east of the Golden Horde were the possessions of another brother of Sheiban, the khan of the Blue Horde. In 1246, after the death of Ogedei, his son Guyuk Khan was elected Great Khan of Mongolia. After the death of Guyuk Khan at the kurultai, Munke, the son of Tule (Tele), was elected the Great Khan in 1251. In fact, from that time on, the Golden Horde became an independent independent state. Batu Khan wrote his letters and letters in the language of the Horde people, understandable to all subordinate tribes on the basis of the Kypchak language. In 1254 Batu died, his brother Berke became the Khan of the Golden Horde.

Great Khan Munke died in 1257. Khubilai became the Great Khan (125 7-1294). He moved the capital to Beijing (Khan Balyk), to China.

The Mongol invasion of Europe was based on the destruction of Russian principalities such as Kiev and Vladimir, under the leadership of Subedei. After the conquests in Russia, the Mongols invaded the Kingdom of Hungary and Poland, which was fragmented after the invasion of Batu, the grandson of Genghis Khan.

Reasons for the invasion

Historians since the 13th century have debated whether the Mongol military campaigns in Eastern Europe were of macrohistorical importance. Most military historians believe that initially the Mongols simply wanted to scare the Western powers so that they did not interfere in the affairs of their people in the East, in particular in Russia.

But evidence proves that Batu was especially interested in strengthening the western borders of his Russian conquests, and only after the rapid destruction of the Hungarian and Polish armies, he began to think about the conquest of Western Europe.

Mongol chronicles indicate that Subedei planned to completely conquer the remaining European powers and began with a winter attack on Austria and other states of the Holy Roman Empire, but was then forced to return to Mongolia after Ogedei's death.

For the Mongols, the invasion of Europe was the third theater of operations after the Middle East and the Song Empire. The Mongol raids on Europe helped to draw the world's attention to lands outside Europe, especially China, which became even more open to trade during the Mongol Empire while it was well defended.

In the middle of the 13th century, when he also submitted to the Mongols, some possibility arose - albeit never realized - of a Christian-Mongol alliance against Islam. To some extent, the Mongol invasion of Europe became a kind of bridge between different cultural worlds.

Crossing the European border

The Mongols invaded Central Europe with three armies. One of them defeated an alliance of the armed forces of fragmented Poland and members of various Christian orders led by Henry II the Pious, Prince of Silesia in Legnica.

The second army crossed the Carpathian mountains, and the third went along the Danube. The armies regrouped and invaded Hungary in 1241, defeating the Hungarian army at the Battle of the Chaillot on April 11, 1241. As a result of the devastating invasion of the Mongols, almost half of the population of Hungary died.

The armies cleaned up the Hungarian plains during the summer, and in the spring of 1242 resumed their movement and expanded their control, capturing Austria and Dalmatia, as well as invading Moravia. Then the Great Khan died, and his Chingizids (direct descendants of a) returned to Mongolia to choose a new Khan.

Invasion of Poland

Having plundered Kiev, Batu sent a small group of Mongols to Poland. One of them destroyed Lublin and defeated the weak Polish army. However, other groups faced difficulties at the Polish border, in the city of Galich.

Although it was not the main Mongol force. The invasion of Poland and Hungary was not intelligence, it was revenge for the murder of Mongol ambassadors and an excuse to get rich. In the Moravian city of Olomouc, the Mongols suffered serious losses: the "common European army" outnumbered them, and the territory was inconvenient for the use of horse troops.

Then the Tatars reached Polanets on the Gancha River, where they set up a camp. There they were attacked by the voivode with the remaining knightly troops of Cracovia, which, although they were few in number, nevertheless decided to fight.

The surprise gave the Poles their first advantage, and they managed to kill many Mongol soldiers. But when the Mongols realized the real numerical strength of the Poles, they regrouped, broke into the Polish ranks and defeated them.

During the battle, many Polish prisoners of war managed to escape and hide in the neighboring forests; Encouraged by their initial success, the Polish knights set out in search of prey, and this greed led them to defeat. Despite the victory, the Mongols were horrified at their losses and decided to retreat, fearing that fresh forces might attack them.

The Mongolian army reached Sesekhuva without much damage to the surrounding lands; for a couple of days they hid in a dense forest to throw off a possible tail. But as soon as the scouts informed the commanders that there was no pursuit, they returned to Ruthenia, where they replenished their ranks with fresh soldiers, and returned to Poland to avenge the defeat.

The plan of attack on Europe was developed and implemented by Subedei, who, with his victories in this region, gained perhaps the longest fame. Having plundered various principalities of Russia, he sent his spies to Poland, Hungary and even Austria, preparing an attack into the very heart of Europe.

Having a clear idea of ​​the European states, he managed to plan an ingenious attack, which was carried out by Batu and two more Chingizids. Batu, the son of Jochi, was a generally recognized leader, but Subedei was a commander and, thus, was present in both the northern and southern military campaigns to conquer the principalities of Rus.

He also commanded a central army that went against Hungary. While Kadan's northern army won the Battle of Legnica, and Guyuk's army marched triumphantly across Transylvania, Subudei calmly waited for them on the Alföld plain. The reunited army then went to the Chaillot River, where it loudly defeated the troops of the Hungarian King Bel IV at the Battle of the Chaillot River. Subudei became the main brain behind this operation, which eventually became one of his greatest victories.

Invasion of Hungary

In 1241 Hungary was like any other hostile kingdom in Europe. Although the successors of Arpad still sat on the throne, the king's authority and authority were greatly weakened.
The wealthy feudal lords paid less and less attention to the security of the entire kingdom, and more and more often they were at enmity with each other. The Golden Bull of 1222 allowed the nobility to limit the power of the monarch, making the king, in fact, only the first among equals.

Bela IV tried to restore the former power of the kings, but did not succeed. Thus, when the Mongols began to expand their influence in Europe, Hungary lived in a state of hostile anarchy.

The Hungarians first learned about the Mongol threat in 1229, when King Andrash granted political asylum to the fleeing Russian boyars. After migrating across the Middle Danube lowland, some Hungarians remained to live on the banks of the upper Volga river.

In 1237, the Dominican monk Julian of Hungary went there to bring back the Hungarians. He returned to King Bela with a letter from Batu. In this letter, Batu called on the Hungarian king to surrender unconditionally or to know complete destruction. Bela did not answer. Two more Mongol messages reached Hungary: the first in 1239 - from the defeated Polovtsians, who asked for asylum in Hungary (and received it), and the second - in February 1241, from the defeated Polish princes.

Only then did King Bela urge his nobles to join forces to defend the country. He also turned to the papacy and other Western European rulers for help. Support came in the form of a small knightly army led by Frederick, Prince of Austria, but there were too few of them to somehow influence the outcome of the battle.

Most of the Hungarian nobility simply did not believe in the seriousness of the Mongol danger. Some even hoped that the defeat of the royal army forced Bela to abandon his attempts to centralize power, and thus strengthen the power of the nobility.

Despite the fact that the danger from the Mongols was quite serious and real, Hungary was not ready for it - people who for several generations did not know fear of nomadic invasions considered it impossible.

The main population of the country no longer consisted of soldiers. Only the rich representatives of the nobility were trained in the art of war, and even then only in the armored cavalry. They have long forgotten the tactics of light cavalry, for which their ancestors were famous, and in fact it was precisely it that the Mongols adhered to.

The Hungarian army (about 60,000 on the eve of the Battle of the Chaillot) consisted mainly of individual knights without any tactical knowledge, discipline or talented and experienced commanders. In addition to the fact that the Hungarian army did not understand the military style of the nomads, King Bela also received the Polovtsian Khan Kotyan and his supporters in his country.

Soon rumors began to circulate in Hungary that the Cumans were spies of the Mongols. On the other hand, Batu himself justified his invasion of Hungary precisely because King Bela provided refuge to the Polovtsy, who were considered rebels and traitors in the Mongol Empire.

If this is true, then King Bela took an unjustified risk that caused irreparable damage to his plans. When some heated Hungarian nobles attacked the Polovtsian camp and killed their leader, they fled south, looting and killing unsuspecting Hungarians along the way. Austrian troops returned to Austria shortly thereafter. The Hungarians were left alone.

Arriving at the Hornad River, the Hungarian army set up camp on April 10, 1241. The Mongols attacked at night. It soon became clear that the Hungarians were losing. The king fled with the help of his loyal and brave warrior, but the rest of the soldiers were either killed by the ruthless Mongols, or drowned in the river during the escape.

Now the Mongols confidently conquered Alföld, as well as the northern part of the Carpathians and Transylvania. If they met resistance, they killed everyone mercilessly. If the Hungarians did not resist, the men were forced to serve in the Mongol army, and the women and children were either killed or taken with them.

Tens of thousands managed to escape death or slavery, hiding behind the walls of small fortresses or in dense forests and swamps. The Mongols, instead of leaving the already conquered and helpless peoples and continuing to move through Pannonia further to Western Europe, spent the whole summer and autumn fortifying and "putting things in order" in the territories they occupied.

Then in the winter, contrary to the traditional strategy of the nomadic armies, which usually began a military campaign in the spring, they crossed the Danube and continued to conquer the lands, including Pannonia. As a result, they reached the Austrian borders and the Adriatic shores of Dalmatia.

In the spring of 1242, Ogedei died at the age of fifty-six. Batu was one of the main contenders for the throne, therefore, together with his armies, he immediately returned to Asia (before leaving, Batu ordered the execution of all prisoners of war), leaving the entire Eastern Europe in ruin and ruin. But Western Europe escaped unscathed.

Some Hungarian historians argue that it was Hungary's long resistance to the Mongols that saved Western Europe from disaster. Other historians refute this assumption, arguing that Western Europe was saved by the unexpected death of Ogedei, and not by the struggle of the Hungarians.
Many historians often argue about whether the Mongols could and generally would want to continue their invasion of Europe west of Alföld, because it was inconvenient and unprofitable in terms of wasting military forces.

The Mongol invasion taught the Hungarians one thing: despite the fact that the Mongols destroyed countryside, fortresses and fortified cities withstood. To improve their defenses in the future, they needed to build fortresses not only on the borders, but also inside the country. In the subsequent decades of the 13th century and throughout the 14th century, kings provided more and more more land the nobility, provided that they build fortifications on it and defend their lands.

End of invasion

Some historians believe that Europe survived only because the Mongols did not want to fight in the more densely populated German principalities, where the humid climate was a burden to them.
The territory of Western Europe with an abundance of forests and castles, as well as good opportunities for counterattacks by heavy cavalry forces made this region a serious enemy.

In addition, despite the steppe tactics of the Avars and early Hungarians, both peoples were conquered by the Western states in the 9th and 10th centuries. Many important castles and cities in Hungary have also been able to withstand the devastating and bloody siege tactics of the Mongols.

However, the answer to the question why Batu stopped after the Shayo River is most likely much simpler - he did not intend to advance further. He consolidated the conquest of Russia for the next ten generations, and when the Great Khan died, he hastily returned to Mongolia to claim his rights to power, and this ended the plans for expansion to the west.

Simultaneously with him, Subedei returned home, and his Mongol armies were left without a spiritual leader and chief strategist. was able to renew his plans to conquer the "Great Sea" (Atlantic Ocean) only in 1255, when the turmoil after the death of Ogedei finally subsided, and Munke was elected the new Great Khan.

By the mid-thirties, the Mongols felt strong enough to conquer territories west of the Urals. Raid Jebe and Subudai in 1220-1224 revealed among the peoples there a lot weak points... The decisive role was played by the fact that after the successful conclusion of the wars with Jin in 1234 significant military forces were freed from the Mongols.

In 1235, the next congress of the Mongol aristocracy, the kurultai, took place. Decisions on the military issues discussed at it boiled down to the continuation of the war. There were several theaters of military operations: the war with the Southern Song, which began unexpectedly last year, remained the main object of military expansion, although the Mongols were clearly aware of the difficulties of conquering a multimillion state. Next came Korea, where troops were also sent (although in a military sense, Korea was already defeated in 1231-32). The kurultai dispatched considerable forces to the Caucasus for its final conquest.

The western direction was also considered at the kurultai. The question of sending troops to Europe and the Polovtsian steppes was raised already at the kurultai of 1229, but did not receive sufficient support. Now the circumstances have changed and preparations for the campaign began immediately. The number of the assembled formations was small - 4000 Mongolian soldiers proper. But this small, as it seems, the number of soldiers was balanced by the quality command staff.

And the commanders were excellent. Suffice it to mention one Subudai, who can rightfully be called the best commander of the century, who won the same victories everywhere. And besides him, Jebe was in the high command, who, together with Subudai, did in 1220-1224. a thousand-kilometer raid through numerous enemy kingdoms, young and talented Burunday .. The number of aristocrats in the army is staggering. In addition to the son of Juchi - Batu (Batu), who formally led the campaign, the brothers Batu - Orda and Sheiban, the sons of Ogedei - Guyuk and Kadan, the sons of Jagatai - Buri and Baydar, the son of Toluya - Mongke were appointed to command the separate units.

The beginning of the hike is quite dark. Father Julian's notes tell about the conquest of "Great Hungary, where our Hungarians come from" by the Mongols. It is very likely that we are talking about the steppes between the Urals and the Volga. Apparently the mentioned East Hungarians long time constituted a barrier to Mongol expansion to the west, partly part of the Volga Bulgaria, they, together with the troops of the latter, defeated the Mongols of Subudai in 1223. Apparently, since then, their lands were attacked by the Mongols.

By mid-June 1236, the Mongols reached the borders of Volga Bulgaria. There they continued the formation of the army, at the expense of the daredevils from the Kipchak steppes, who had undoubtedly grown greatly. The arrival of reinforcements from the army operating in the Caucasus was also expected, but no news of their arrival has reached us.

Preparing for the jump to Bulgaria, the Mongols actively operated in the surrounding areas. The Volga Hungarians were conquered; on the lower Volga, Saksin was taken. But this was just a prelude.

In the fall of 1237, the Mongols attacked the Volga Bulgaria and crushed it. The state was wiped off the face of the earth, writing disappeared, cities (up to 60 in number!) Fell, the people partly fled to the forests, partly they were taken into full and moved by a protective wall in front of the army. A similar fate befell the neighboring tribes of the Meryans (Mari), Votyaks, both branches of the Mordvins (Moksa-Mordvins and Erzya-Mordvins), of which the southern - Moksa (Burtases), preferred to submit, while the northern ones went into the forests and began a desperate partisan war. With the subordination of the mentioned tribes, the Mongol armies reached the Russian borders.

In Russia, as always, there was no unity, although they knew and heard about the Tatars - the roads were full of refugees from the war zone, the Grand Duke Georgy Vsevolodovich of Vladimir-Suzdal himself caught the Tatar messengers to the King of Hungary - in a word, everyone knew about the impending attack. But they could not agree on a joint defense.

In the meantime, the Mongols took up their initial positions on the borders with three groups of armies and entered into negotiations with the Ryazan princes, at the same time waiting for all the countless rivers and rivulets of North-Eastern Russia to freeze - necessary condition for the rapid movement of large cavalry units. The smooth ice cover served as an ideal route for the nomadic cavalry, and all Russian cities stood on the river bank. As the ice thickened, the conditions of the Mongols became more and more derisive, until the Ryazan people finally rejected them. The mission of the Ryazan prince Fyodor, sent with rich gifts to Bat in order to prevent the attack of the Tatars, failed - all the participants were killed.

At the same time, news of the uprising on the Volga came to the Batu camp. The leaders Bayan and Djiku raised the Volga Bulgarians, the Polovtsian prince Bachman raised their fellow tribesmen (the Volga Polovtsians). The Alanian detachments of the leader of Kachir-Ukul arrived to the aid of the rebels. Sent against the rebels, Mongke (Mengu) for a long time could not cope with the rebels, who inflicted unexpected and brutal blows on him. Soon the struggle moved to the mouth of the Volga. There, on an island near the left bank of the Volga, Möngke tracked down Bachman and defeated his troops, thus completing the conquest of the Polovtsians who lived east of the Volga.

The rivers became under the ice. And at the same time huge masses of Tatar troops began to move and are full of concentrated at the sources of the Don, on the Ryazan borderland and near the Volga, in the area of ​​modern Nizhny Novgorod. The first blow fell on Ryazan.

The residents of Ryazan, whose requests for help were arrogantly rejected by Prince Georgy Vsevolodovich in Vladimir (he had not yet forgotten the wars of 1207 and 1209) and the Chernigov-Seversk princes (they reminded the Ryazan people of May 1223 when the Ryazan people on Kalka did not help them) remained in alone in front of the hordes of the enemy. Their army, hardened in constant steppe clashes with the Polovtsians, gave the Mongols a battle - and fell to the last person... Then the Mongols proceeded to take the cities. Pronsk, Belgorod, Borisov-Glebov, Izheslavets were captured by them without hard work and on 16.12.1237, the siege of Ryazan began, which lasted five days, after which ashes remained on the site of the city with the bodies of the dead scattered here and there. Taking Pereyaslavl-Ryazan, the Mongols advanced to the Vladimir-Suzdal principality.

By the same time - the end of December - the rather controversial fact of the raid of Evpatiy Kolovrat also belongs. Being in Chernigov, Ingor Igorevich, one of the princes of Ryazan, having learned about the invasion of the Tatars, gathered 1700 soldiers and made them the head of the boyar Evpatiy Kolovrat, (probably experienced in military affairs) moved to the Ryazan region. However, when it came to contact with the enemy, the numerical superiority was not on the side of the Chernigovites. Few of the knights, who were wounded and taken prisoner, were released by Batu for their courage.

The border fortress of Vladimir Kolomna had a strong garrison and considerable defensive potential. However, the son of the Grand Duke Vsevolod, sent to Kolomna to organize the defense, wanted to fight in the field. The outcome of the battle at Kolomna could have been predicted in advance - she died most of Russian soldiers, and the survivors were unable to effectively defend the city taken by the Tatars in the following days.

The fall of Kolomna opened the way for the horsemen of Batu to the ancient capitals - Suzdal and Vladimir, on which another group of Mongol armies advanced from the east along the Volga. The joining of the hordes of nomads took place near Vladimir or Suzdal. Along the way, Batu captured Moscow (01/20/1238), to which a direct road led from Kolomna - the frozen channel of the Moskva River. Upon the news of the capture of Moscow, Grand Duke George left Vladimir, to collect troops in the northern volosts to repel the invasion.

On February 2, the Mongols laid siege to Vladimir. After five days of continuous assault, the city turned into a heap of ruins, a separate detachment of nomads captured and destroyed Suzdal. The news of the fall of the capitals - the most fortified cities - must be thought to have greatly undermined the morale of the defenders of the rest of the settlements. In that bloody February, the Mongols captured at least 14 cities. Various parts of their armies attacked Rostov, Yaroslavl, Gorodets Volzhsky. These latter were not satisfied with the destruction of Gorodets, devastating everything in their path, they moved further along the Volga, their victims were Kostroma and Galich. The entire interfluve of the Klyazma and the Volga was devastated: Pereyaslavl-Zalessky, Tver, Ksnyatin, Kashin, Yuryev, Volok-Lamsky, Dmitrov were turned into ruins, villages were burning, the population fled en masse along the few tracts and roads free from Tatar routes.

In this chaos, it was difficult to somehow collect information about what was happening, information about the movement of highly mobile Tatar detachments quickly became obsolete, and the location of the main forces and Batu's headquarters apparently did not become known to Grand Duke George, who was concentrating troops on the City. The fact that in the current situation it was difficult to keep the location of his units a secret was clear to the prince. And of course, reconnaissance detachments (watchmen) were sent to them every morning for reconnaissance. On the morning of March 4, 1238, a patrol detachment that went out for regular reconnaissance came across some detachments of horsemen. These were Batu's Mongol regiments.

In the ensuing battle, the rest of the Russian army quickly joined in, apparently not having time to accept the battle formations. The massacre on the ice of the City and in the surrounding copses ended in the complete defeat of the Russian squads. The organized resistance of the North-East of Russia was broken.

The next day, March 5, 1238, crowds of Tatars, preceded by a wave of prisoners, driven in front of the army, ascended the walls of Torzhok. This ended the two-week (from 20.02.1238) battles for the city, which was added to the long list of cities ravaged by the Mongols.

The operations of the Mongols in the Polovtsian steppes from the summer of 1238 to the fall of 1240 are conveyed by the sources conjecturally. Plano Carpini reports on the Christian town of Orna, besieged by Batu. Realizing the futility of his efforts, Batu dammed the Don and flooded the city 15. The Cumans were defeated. Escaping physical extermination, the Polovtsians turned into slaves or replenished the armies of Batu Khan. Khan Kotyan, one of the strongest Polovtsian khans, without waiting for the total extermination of his subjects, migrated to Hungary to seek asylum there. In 1239, some Mongol army attacked Mordovia, took Murom, Gorokhovets and devastated areas along the Klyazma, withdrew to the steppe.

In 1239, the first invasion of the Mongol armies took place. The Pereyaslavl and Chernigov princedoms were attacked. Pal Pereyaslavl. A ring of siege closed around Chernigov. Mstislav Tursky came to the aid of Chernigov, but, defeated, was forced to withdraw from the battle zone. During the siege of Chernigov, the Mongols used throwing machines of enormous power. The capture of the city took place on October 18, 1239.

The main events unquestionably developed in the south. In the fall of 1240, Batu again threw his rested, replenished, and reformed army on Southern Russia... The culmination of the campaign was the ten-week siege of Kiev by the Mongols. They took Kiev with a continuous assault (5/12/1240), which lasted day and night. The townspeople showed miracles of courage, but the numerical and technical superiority of the besiegers did their job. Voivode Dmitr, left by Daniel Galitsky to defend the city, was pardoned by the Mongols for his unparalleled courage.

It should be noted that the Bolokhovites, as always, took a special position. “Leaving the borders of Russia to the west, the Mongolian governors decided to secure a supply base in the Kiev region, for which they entered into agreements with the boyars of the Bolokhov land; they did not touch the local cities and villages, but obliged the population to supply their army with wheat and millet. Campaign Prince Daniil Romanovich, returning to Russia, destroyed and burned the cities of the traitor boyars, thereby undermining the supply of the Mongol troops. "

After the conquest of the Dnieper, the path of Batu's armies lay further west; Volhynia and Galicia were attacked. Pal Kolodyazhin and Kamenets, Vladimir-Volynsky and Galich, Brest and "many other cities." Only the strongholds erected in places protected by nature - Kremenets and Danilov - survived. The princes did not even try to lead the resistance - Mikhail Chernigovsky as well as Daniil Galitsky (his worst enemy) sought salvation in Hungary and then (when the Mongols reached Hungary) and in Poland. In the winter of 1240-1241. Mongols first appeared on the borders of Western Europe.

Having approached the borders of the Hungarian and Polish kingdoms, at a distance of three to four days' journey (about 100-120 km), the Mongols unexpectedly turned back. Sources explain this maneuver by the fact that Batu wanted to keep stocks of forage in the border areas for a later invasion.

The Hungarians did not prepare too hard to repel the invaders. King Bela IV devoted more time to internal problems, such as the integration of the Cumans (the latter, being nomads, had many reasons for clashes with the local, overwhelmingly sedentary population), or contradictions with the barons incited against the king by the Austrian Duke Friedrich Babenberg.

To protect the eastern borders, by order of the king, the army (commanded by the Palatine Dionysius Tomai) was stationed at the so-called. Russian passage (Veretsky pass in the Carpathians). Strengthened notches at the borders. It should be added that medieval Hungary was protected from unexpected enemy attacks by a powerful system of border fortified zones and markings. The forest passes in the Carpathians adjacent to the Galicia-Volyn principality (far from always friendly) were especially well fortified.

In early March, Batu began the next phase of his venture. The troops moved westward, driving tens of thousands of prisoners in front of them, clearing the way through the gaps with axes. Thanks to the recent withdrawal of the nomads, the border regions remained undisturbed to this day, feeding the Mongol troops.

Guyuk, who had always been an enemy of Batu (he suffered mainly from the fact that he was forced to obey the person whom he considered equal to him by birth), finally left the troops, recalled to Mongolia.

The Mongols split into three large army groups Khaidu and Baidar moved to the Polish border, parts of Bohetur, Kadan and Buzhek were sent south, while the main forces were breaking through to the Veretsky Pass. In this army, Batu concentrated the tumens of the Horde, Biryuya, Burundai ... In mid-March, his troops broke through the Veretsky Pass.

At the same time, an offensive began in Poland. Even during the battles in Volyn, in January, the Mongols raided eastern Poland; captured Lublin and Zavikhost, a separate detachment of nomads reached Racibuzh. The raid was repeated in early February. Taking Sandomierz and defeating the knighthood of Lesser Poland near Tours (13.02.1241), the Mongols retreated to Russia.

The general offensive began simultaneously with the attack on Hungary - in early March. On March 10, 1241, Baidar crossed the Vistula at Sandomierz, capturing the city. From here, Haidu was detached in the direction of Leczyca, followed by an exit to Krakow, while Baydar himself made a raid to the vicinity of Kielce. Trying to cover Krakow, the Krakow and Sandomierz governors, Vladislav and Pakoslav fought and suffered a crushing defeat - on March 16, 1241 near Khmelnik. The Mongol troops united at Krakow, taking it after a short siege (22 or 28 March).

As part of protective measures Polish princes collected in the west of the country, in the vicinity of Wroclaw, a national militia. Mieszko Opolski led the warriors of Upper Silesia, Lower Silesia was represented by the regiments of Henry II the Pious, Prince of Great Poland (who therefore exercised supreme leadership). Militias arrived from the south of Greater Poland, and even the Lesser Poland regions devastated by the Tatars fielded a number of fighters. Foreign contingents also took part in the formation of the troops; somehow: German knights from the metropolis and the Baltic possessions of the Teutonic Order, who sent a strong detachment of soldiers. The Czech squads of Vaclav I moved to join the Poles.

But the Mongols were already close. Crossing the Oder (Oder) at Ratibor, they took Wroclaw (2.04.1241), defeating it completely, only the city citadel survived. A week later, a battle broke out at Legnica with the army of Henry the Pious, who did not wait for the approach of the Czechs, and the Mongols won a brilliant victory. The sacks of the severed ears were later delivered to Batu's headquarters. In a letter to the French king, Louis the Pious, the master of the Teutonic Order does not hide his bitterness: "We inform Your Grace that the Tatars completely ruined and plundered the land of the deceased Duke Henry, they killed him, along with many of his barons; six of our brothers (monks -knights of the Order), three knights, two sergeants and 500 soldiers. Only three of our knights, known to us by name, fled. "

In the Hungarian direction, events also developed rapidly; Batu's troops infiltrated the fortifications of the Veretsky Pass and on March 12, 1241 defeated the Hungarian army of Palatine Dionysius that was waiting for them behind the notches. The Carpathians are left behind. Before the Mongols, the vast expanses of the famous Hungarian steppes - the Pashts - were spread out.

The news of the crossing of the Veretsky Pass by the Mongols reached the royal court a couple of days later. In the midst of the chaos that reigned, Bela IV did not lose his head, like some of his colleagues in other countries, did not flee, but began to take the necessary measures; cities were fortified, letters were sent asking for help to all the neighboring sovereigns, incl. to the Pope and Holy Roman Emperor, the famous Frederick II.

And if the pope reacted briskly to the incident, forcing European rulers, such as the warlike Louis IX the Pious, who was running around with the idea of ​​organizing a joint anti-Mongol front, and generally tried in every possible way to inspire the peoples of Western Europe to resist the Mongols, then Emperor Frederick showed no signs of life. Those. he led his life as before, was engaged in the wars with the Ghibellines in Italy. The problem of organizing resistance to the Tatars interested him the least.

But the Austrians, or rather their Duke Friedrich Babenberg, who managed to quarrel with almost all of his neighbors, and who earned the nickname Grumpy in the annals, responded vividly to the call of King Bela. This husband, who quite recently incited the Hungarian nobility to oppose the crown (this nobility, I must say, willingly listened to his intrigues), and who suffered considerable damage for this from the late King Andrew II (Andreas), saw in the Mongol invasion a great opportunity to round up their possessions at the expense of Hungary. He arrived in Pest "with few escorts, and also without weapons and familiarity with what is happening."

Troops from all other regions of the state flocked there to Pest (however, he sent his wife and some church hierarchs to the west, to the Austrian border “to await the outcome of events.” Cumans-Polovtsy were mobilized, who were given the opportunity to serve their new homeland. the detachments that flocked to Pest were as usual led by Khan Kotyan.

On March 15, 1241, the Mongols, moving at an accelerated march, were only half a day's journey from the Hungarian camp near Pest. From here, Batu released strong tentacles of horse patrols to the enemy army. Despite the strictest prohibition of Bela IV to make sorties, Ugolin, the archbishop of Kalosh, could not resist, chasing the Mongol riders (03.16.1241). And I was ambushed. Back Ugolin brought only three or four cavalrymen.

The next day, part of Batu's troops stubbornly stormed the city of Weizen (Vac), located on the Danube and only half a day's march far from Pest (about 40 km) and exterminated all residents. And what about the king? He was forced to be content with the spectacles of the skirmishes at Pest. Friedrich Babenberg became the hero of the day. He showed himself in all his glory - he pounced on the Tatar detachment, inadvertently approached Pest too close and, showing a personal example of courage, put him to flight.

Even in Bela's camp, things were not going well. Certain elements of the soldier, barons and some other nobles, gave vent to the long-accumulated anger against the Polovtsy, who stood in their camps next to the Hungarians. Huge crowds gathered in front of the king's tent loudly demanding the death of Kotyan. After some deliberation, a courier galloped to the Polovtsian camp with an order - Kotyan to urgently appear in the royal tent. Khan hesitated, hearing the wild howl of the crowd, and this delay was immediately regarded by the soldiers as weakness and a de facto admission of guilt. The fury of the masses poured out; they broke into Kotyan's tent and, interrupting the guards, hacked to death the elderly khan. It was rumored that Duke Frederick did it with his own hand.

After this bloodshed, a resounding silence reigned in the camp. Now, when the innocence of Kotyan and his subjects was revealed, the barons fell silent. When the news of Kotyan's death spread throughout the area, the surrounding peasants (taking revenge for everything that the Polovtsians did to them, they were not angels at all and caused an appropriate reaction rural population) began to exterminate those of the Polovtsians who stopped by or, divided into small detachments, stood in these villages. The Kumans responded adequately and soon columns of smoke from the village conflagrations began to rise to the sky.

In the face of continued attacks, the Cumans split from the united army. It came to a real battle, with the Hungarians: the Polovtsians destroyed the column of Bulzo, the Chanadian archbishop, consisting of women and children (moving to the northern border), and accompanied by a detachment of soldiers who planned to join the general Hungarian army. According to Rogerius' information, the bishop was the only surviving Hungarian from the entire column.

The further path of the Cumans lay in the direction of the Border Mark. Having crossed the Danube, most of them moved north, destroying everything in their path. On the border of the Marka, it came to a battle with its inhabitants, who heard about the approach of the nomads and came out to meet them. But the Polovtsians turned out to be clearly stronger than the Germans, to the wars with which locals so accustomed, and the Hungarians soon fled. Having occupied the Mark, the Polovtsians took revenge on the population, burned more than one village. (Many villages were incinerated, for example: Francavilla, or St. Martin). When the Mongols approached, the Cumans hastily left these places, retiring to Bulgaria.

Let's go back to the camp of the Hungarian army. Significant changes took place there: one of the highest aristocrats convinced Bela IV to finally begin a movement to contact the enemy (who had already taken Erlau and Kevesd). During this march, the Hungarian king quarreled with Friedrich Babenberg. The king demanded the unquestioning execution of his orders, which could not but infuriate the headstrong Austrian. The dispute ended with the departure of Frederick (and his military contingents) from the army.

Military action gradually spread throughout the rest of the kingdom. In late March - early April, the Mongol detachment captured Eger, dealing with the population in the usual manner. The reaction of the Hungarians - the bishop of Varadin (present-day Oradea in Romania) comes out to meet the invaders, anticipating an easy victory - he knows about the small number of enemies and, moreover, recently defeated another run of the Mongols (probably operated near Varadin). Nevertheless, he was defeated: the chasing Tatars, the Hungarian horsemen, seeing the ranks of soldiers over the hill (they were dolls planted by the Mongols on spare horses) decided that they were ambushed and fled. The bishop returned to Varadin "with few people."

Meanwhile, Bela cautiously moved the army forward, to the east, following Batu's army, which was leaving at the same speed. The latter had cause for alarm - the Hungarians significantly outnumbered him, their army was dominated by the famous Hungarian cavalry - the best in Europe. Presumably, in those April days, Batu regretted the dispersion of forces: the troops of the Horde and Baidar fought in Poland, Kadan, Buczhek and Belgutai just broke through to Hungary through the mountain passes of the Southern Carpathians. With such a slow, synchronized movement, both troops reached the Chaillot (tributary of the Tisza) and set up their camps on different sides of it.

After reconnaissance, both sides began active operations. Since, due to the high water, the river did not make it possible to wade it, the Mongols, at some distance from the camp, built (09.10.1241) a pontoon bridge over which at night to west coast ranks of soldiers flowed down. There they were already expected. The day before, a Russian defector had come to the king and told about the intentions of the Mongols, and now they were met by the iron ranks of Hungarian men at arms. They could not be wedged by the frontal attacks of the nomads, who simply had nowhere to turn around on a small bridgehead. Having inflicted heavy losses on the Mongols, the royal soldiers threw them back to the bridge, which immediately became a crush. Many Tatar horsemen threw themselves into the water, leaving many corpses in the flooded river.

Confusion reigned on the other side. Huge losses have shaken the determination of both ordinary soldiers and the highest military leaders to continue the war. Batu himself, with a drawn sword, rushed to stop the fugitives. In the army, conversations began with might and main about the need to end the campaign and return to the steppe. This possibility was seriously considered by Batu himself. It was at this time that he had a conversation with the old Subudai, brought to us by "Yuan Shi" (the history of the Yuan dynasty - Thietmar). The latter, apparently having exhausted his arguments, influenced the confused khan with his personal example: "Sir, if you decided to return, I cannot detain you, but I, for myself, decided not to return ..". This was enough. Batu calmed down and ordered to prepare for further operations.

The jubilant Hungarians returned to their camp, to their own, in order to better protection set closely one to one, tents, and fell asleep sound sleep winners. A guard was posted at the remains of the bridge.

During this time, their Mongols developed a stormy activity at the crossing. First of all, they set up as many as 7 throwing machines opposite the ones guarding the bridge, and drove them away with stones. They then rebuilt the bridge and began ferrying over the masses of troops. The entire Mongol army crossed the river. When the messengers of this rushed to the royal camp, everyone there slept deeply. While the troops were awakening and, instead of jumping on a horse to line up in battle formations, they were busy with the morning toilet, the Mongol horse archers managed to surround the camp and filled the air with the whistle of many arrows.

Only then did the Hungarians rush into battle. But not a whole army - only units of the king's brother, Duke Koloman entered into close combat with the Tatars, while the rest tried to use the "corridor" specially left by the Mongols in order to exterminate as many Hungarians as possible in flight. Gradually, all the detachments of the royal army joined the battle, but there was no organized control of the battle on their side, and more and more soldiers rushed into the coveted "corridor". They did not yet know that further the "corridor" narrowed and ended with a wall of selected Mongolian horse archers ...

The Hungarian army was utterly defeated. The masses of fleeing, pursued by the Tatar light cavalry, filled the road to Pest. The king and his brother, Koloman, with a small retinue, in contrast to the main crowd of fugitives, moved from the battlefield in roundabout ways.

The hasty flight of Bela IV from the blood-drenched shores of the Chaillot did not save him from enemy pursuit. Tatar races hung on the shoulders of a small royal detachment rushing north to the Polish border. In the Komitat Komoros, he turned to the west and through Nitra went to Presburg (present-day Bratislava) - the western border of his kingdom. Striving to Austria (where he sent the queen ahead of time), he passed the Devin frontier post and ended up in the possession of Friedrich Babenberg, who went to the border to meet the loser king.

The meeting of both rulers ended unexpectedly - Frederick, realizing that Bela was completely in his power, began to demand reimbursement of payments made by him, Frederick, in 1235, who stood near Vienna to the Hungarian king. And since the king naturally did not find the corresponding amounts, he had nothing left but to lay three western committees: Mozon (Wieselburg), Sopron (Edelburg) and Lochmand (Lutzmannburg), whose castles Frederick was not slow to occupy. Having settled with the extortionist, Bela took his wife (who was nearby) and with all possible speed left for Hungary, where he began to form an army near Szeged. At the same time, the bishop of Weizen was sent to the pope and the emperor with a letter containing a request for help and a complaint against the Austrian duke.

Frederick of Austria was not satisfied with the occupation of the three Hungarian committees. Soon the Presburg and Raab committees were also invaded by his troops. The city of Raab, the center of the eponymous committee, was taken by the Austrians. Truth not for long - armed units local population soon captured the city, killing the garrison of Frederick who was in it.

The catastrophe that befell the Hungarians in the general battle at the river. Shajo (after the name of the nearby village, also called the Battle of Mohi), in principle, ceased to exist the Hungarian field army. The only way to achieve a turning point in the course of the war was to keep the Mongols on the left bank of the Danube, and to disperse and weaken their forces by the defense of numerous fortresses. Taking advantage of these circumstances, Bela IV could still gather troops in the western committees and try to turn the wheel of Fortune in his direction. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that the Batu army group, from the very beginning numerically not very strong, suffered heavy losses in the battles of Chaillot and now, having reduced offensive operations to a minimum, was awaiting the approach of units operating on the flanks.

On the flanks, the situation was as follows. The Mongol troops sent to bypass the Carpathians were split into several parts. One of these armies, led by Kadan, the son of the great khan Ogedei, passing into Hungary by the Borgo Pass, took Rodna - a large settlement of German miners (03/31/1241), Bystrits (Besterce in Romania) (04/02) and Kolochvar. Having guides from the local population, Kadan, passing through mountains and forests, suddenly appeared in front of Varadin. Quickly taking the city, the Mongols dealt with the population and retreated to a secluded place not far from it, so that the defenders of the citadel and the inhabitants who were hiding in it, believing in the departure of the nomads, went to the ruins of the city. It was then that the Mongols appeared again. Having cut off all those who did not have time to escape, they began to siege the citadel, using throwing machines, and, a little later, took it.

The rest of the Mongol formations poured into Hungary through the Oytots passes (on the last day of March, taken with a battle by Belgutai units) and the Red Tower (Buzhek regiments). Moving along the Belgutai mountain range, he took Kronstadt, moved on and - on the ruins of Hermannstadt (taken by the Mongols on April 11, 1241) joined with Buchzhek. Uniting, they continued their advance westward, capturing Weissenburg and Arad. Having turned Szeged into ruins, they reached the zone of operations of Kadan, whose troops also did not hesitate - they took Egres, Temeshvar, Gyulafehervar, Pereg, not to mention countless small fortified places, such as an island on the river. Fekete Korosh, whose fate is colorfully described by Rogerius.

After the victory at Chaillot, Batu's army slowly began to move towards Pest. There was nowhere to rush, the army of the Hungarians was scattered, and so that it was not possible to assemble it in the near future, and the garrisons of cities and fortresses did not pose an immediate threat. Pest was taken after three days of fighting, on April 29-30.

With the capture of Pest, the Mongols completed the conquest of the Hungarian regions east of the Danube. Selected places(such as the village of Pereg, between Arad and Chanad) were still taken by storm, but in general, hostilities ceased, the Mongols began to establish their administration.

Along with the conquest of Hungary, the operations of the nomadic troops in Poland and the Czech Republic were in full swing. After a brilliant victory at Legnica, they unsuccessfully besieged Legnitz. This was followed by a two-week stay of the Mongols at Odmukhov (perhaps they were engaged in restoring the combat capability of the troops) and their siege of Ratsibuzh. But the stone walls of the city turned out to be stronger than expected, and having lifted the siege on 04/16/1241, the Mongols headed to Moravia. Separate small detachments ravaged the German borderlands. One of them managed to advance to Meissen.

The news that the Mongol invasion had passed the German lands was greeted in Germany with relief. The Emperor of the Roman Empire Frederick II Hohenstaufen immediately began a campaign against Rome.

In Moravia, the Mongols faced a popular war. Mountain meadows could offer only a limited amount of food for livestock, and small villages (Moravia is still sparsely populated) for people. The hostilities were fought in the areas of Opava, Gradischensky and Olomouc monasteries, Benesov, Przherova, Litovela, Evichko .. In December, the nomads moved to join Batu, who was preparing to cross the frozen Danube.

From Moravia, part of the Mongols penetrated at the end of April into Slovakia, which was part of the Hungarian Kingdom. Having passed the Grozenkovsky and Yablonovka passes, they staged a pogrom in this quiet country. Pali towns of Banska Stiavnica, Pukanec, Krupina; Slovak zhupy (territorial unit) Zemilin, Abov, Turna, Gemer up to the Zvolensky forest massif were devastated. The Yasovsky monastery fell. But the city walls were erected here as well - Presburg (Bratislava), Komarno (Komorn), Nitra, Trencin and Betskov survived. In December 1241, the detachments operating in Slovakia crossed the Danube at Comorne and united with the detachments of Batu.

In the second half of January 1242, Batu moved his, again united troops across the Danube over the ice. The primary goal of the Mongols was the capture of the Hungarian king Bela, who, after his flight from Austria, found himself in Szeged for some time. Realizing that the Mongols would not abandon the thought of pursuing him, the king went to the Adriatic coast and spent the summer and autumn of 1241 there.However, considering the coastal cities not reliable enough, he moved to the most extreme borders of his state - he moved to one of the islands (Trau Island) near Spalato, bringing his family there.

In pursuit of him, the swift Kadan was thrown, while the rest of the army continued city after city to conquer Hungary. After a tense siege, Gran (Esztergom) was taken - the residence of the Hungarian kings and the most important transshipment point on the middle Danube. At the same time, almost all the cities of the right-bank Hungary were captured by the nomads, only a few managed to fight back. This is how Szekesfehervar and the Esztergom citadel were saved. In the area of ​​Chernkhade, the Mongols defeated a peasant detachment operating against them. The monastery of St. Martin of Pannonian (Pannonhalma), but, instead of storming the walls, the Mongols completely unexpectedly curtailed all siege preparations and withdrew.

This strange behavior was explained by the death of the supreme khan Ogedei and the need for Batu (and all the Mongol princes who were in the army) to participate in the selection of a new khan. This title was undoubtedly claimed primarily by Batu himself, to the great displeasure of his cousin- Guyuka. That is why Batu sent out the same order to all the Mongol armies operating in Europe - to turn east and go to join the main army.

Proceeding to the coast of the Adriatic, Kadan began with the siege of Zagreb, where, as he assumed, the king of Hungary was hiding (he did indeed stop there for a short time in 1241). Taking it, he rushed south on the trail of the king, who at one time moved along the coast. So Kadan arrived in the vicinity of Spalato much earlier than expected. The assault on the castle of Klis (9 km. From Spalato), one of the previous residences of Bela IV, had almost ended in success, was immediately stopped as soon as Kadan learned about the real whereabouts of the king. A lightning raid - and the Mongol horsemen stand on the shore of the strait separating the island with the city on it from the coast. All the ferry facilities here were destroyed in advance and Kadan had no choice but to throw himself into the sea, trying to reach the walls of Trau on horseback.

Realizing the futility of his efforts, he tried to "save face". The expelled envoy shouted an offer to the defenders of Trau to surrender, without waiting for the Mongols to go to the island. Unfortunately for Kadan, the people of Trau were not very impressionable, unlike the Hungarian king, who had already prepared the ship for flight.

It was not possible to take the city quickly. At the same time, it is obvious that Kadan was given a clear order to catch the king at any cost. Having moved to Croatia and Dalmatia, Kadan spent the whole March in the mountains dominating the coast, "having gone down to the cities five or six times." In the end, even his boundless patience ran out. Bela IV, clearly did not intend to leave his island fortifications, and time was running out - the distance to the main forces of Batu became more and more. After a long and difficult reflection, the Mongolian prince spat on everything.

He went to Thraw once more, and carefully examined all the possibilities of the crossing. Finding them equal to zero, he headed south to Bosnia and Serbia. Having reached Ragusa, Kadan tried to take the city, but, according to Tamas Spalatsky, "he was able to inflict only minor damage." Continuing their march along the coast, the Mongols completely destroyed the cities of Kotor, Swach and Drivasto. These places became the most extreme border of the Mongols' advance to the west. From here the Mongols turned east and soon reached the borders of Bulgaria and the Polovtsian steppes. The great western march was over.

Catholic Europe was also not prepared to meet the hordes of Batu, although information about their approach had been received for a long time. It was known about the invasion of Russia in 1223; at the same time the Georgian queen Rusudan wrote about the Mongols to her dad. King Bela IV sent out Dominican and Franciscan reconnaissance missions; of these, the mission of the Dominican Julian is especially famous. And the great khan himself wrote to the Hungarian king, demanding obedience, cautioning him to accept the Polovtsians and reproaching that many of the khan's embassies did not return from Hungary.

Emperor Frederick II, in a letter to the English king Henry III, accused Bela of carelessness. Frederick II himself also received a letter from the khan demanding obedience and allegedly answered, not without irony, that, being a connoisseur of birds, he could become the khan's falconer. However, then rumors circulated, which the Pope also believed, about a secret agreement between the emperor and the khan - it would be very interesting to determine the reliability of these rumors.

The conquest of Russia by the Mongol troops, their invasion of Poland, Hungary and other lands caused panic in Europe. In the chronicle of the monastery of St. Panteleon (Cologne), we read: "Significant fear of this barbarian people seized distant countries, not only France, but also Burgundy and Spain, which hitherto did not know the name of the Tatars."

The French chronicle notes that fear of the Mongols in France led to a complete stagnation of trade; The English chronicler Matthew Parisian reports that the trade between England and the continent was temporarily interrupted, and a prayer even arose in Germany: "Lord, save us from the fury of the Tatars."

Bela IV's appeal for help to both the empire and the papacy gave rise to correspondence between statesmen, the analysis of which revealed its complete uselessness. Of these letters, the message of Emperor Frederick II to the kings of England and France is especially known. The emperor of Hungary did not help, the pope limited himself to appeals, the papal armed forces, due to their insignificance, could not be taken into account at all. Hungary's closest neighbors Venice and Austria did not help Bela IV. Moreover, the Venetian chronicler Andrei Dandolo wrote: "Only taking into account the Christian faith, the Venetians did not harm the king then, although they could do a lot against him."

The countries of Europe will remember the horror they experienced for a long time, the very name of the Mongols for a long time, up to the beginning of the XIV century, will cause fear, however justified (in Hungary, the population halved from military actions and their direct consequences (hunger, disease)). Despite numerous Mongol campaigns in the following decades against Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria, an invasion of this size will never happen again.

Sources and Literature
1. Grekov Yakubovsky The Golden Horde and its fall.
2. Der Mongolensturm / Ungarns Geschichtsschreiber 3. Koln 1985
3. Karamzin N.M. History of Russian Goverment. vols. 2-3 М. 1991
4. Karamzin N.M. History of Russian Goverment. vols. 4 M.1991
5. Die ungarische Bilderchronik. Budapest. 1961.
6. Pashuto V.T. Foreign policy ancient Russia. Moscow 1968