1.Totalitarianism. The term “totalitarianism” (Latin - all, complete) was introduced by publicists to designate a number of similar political regimes that established in the 20s and 30s. XX century. These regimes are characterized by the concentration of supreme power in the hands of the leader, the ban on political parties and organizations other than official ones, emergency powers of security agencies, and the suppression of any opposition. There was totalitarian control over the economy, which was led by government officials, and the dominant ideology was introduced into all spheres of social life. The political system of Germany, Italy and the USSR is usually called totalitarian. Currently, the concept of totalitarianism is considered largely outdated, since it does not explain the significant differences between these countries. Thus, in Nazi Germany, the basis of ideology was racism. In Italy, the elements of racism in fascist ideology were not decisive, but in the USSR racism was persecuted.
A number of regimes are called authoritarian (lat – power, influence). These regimes are characterized by the existence of a strong government. For example, all monarchical countries where the power of the monarch is not limited or limited insignificantly can be called authoritarian. In the 20-30s. XX century Many republics also became authoritarian states. In them, the country was actually led by one person, whose power was for life, and the opposition was suppressed. However, some parties, parliaments, and a market economy continued to exist. These countries included Spain, Portugal, almost all countries of Eastern Europe, Latin America and etc.
2. The rise of the fascists to power in Italy. The fascist organization Fighting Union, led by the former social democrat B. Mussolini, arose in Italy in 1919. In the context of the aggravation of the situation in the country, which had suffered greatly as a result of participation in the First World War, the fascists demanded reforms in the interests of the people: guarantees of civil liberties, 8 hour workday, promotion wages, restrictions on large capital, participation of workers in management, etc. Paramilitary fascist detachments were created to fight for these demands. In the early 20s. XX century The situation in Italy was increasingly deteriorating. The government turned out to be unable to control the situation in the country. Mussolini, who created the National Fascist Party in 1921, demanded a place in the government for fascists. In October 1922, the Nazis staged the so-called March on Rome. On October 30, Mussolini was appointed Prime Minister of Italy.
3.The Nazis came to power in Germany. By 1923 the situation in Germany was close to catastrophic. The monetary unit - the mark - has sharply depreciated. For a loaf of bread or sending a letter, people no longer paid millions, but trillions of marks. Germany's reparations to the victorious countries played a significant role in creating the crisis. The national pride of the Germans was hurt by the occupation of the Ruhr by the I-Grans of the Entente. Unrest broke out across the country, provoked by far-right and far-left forces. The right occupied a particularly strong position in Bavaria. Members of the National Socialist Workers' Party (NSDAP), which arose here in 1919, following the example of Mussolini, were preparing a campaign against Berlin. One of the main initiators of this campaign was A. Hitler. Stormtrooper units associated with the Nazis were created in 1921. They included many former military men who had not found a place for themselves in civilian life. In November 1923, Hitler, at a rally in a huge beer hall in Munich, announced the beginning national revolution and the formation of a national government. But the next day the police shot down a Nazi demonstration. After the putsch was suppressed, Hitler ended up in prison. There he wrote the book “My Struggle” (“Mein Kampf”), in which he outlined Nazi ideology. In December 1924 he was released from prison and began rebuilding his party. The number of the party grew. Instead of undisciplined stormtroopers, SS units organized along army lines are formed. Children's, youth and women's organizations were created under the party. Now Hitler hoped to seize power not by force, but by constitutional means. Economic crisis 1929-1933 created multimillion-dollar unemployment. The level of industry has halved. In 1930, the NSDAP received 107 mandates in the Reichstag elections. In the 1932 elections the Nazis came out on top. Hitler promised to the German people“providing for old age” and “national economy”. Hitler blamed America, “British imperialism,” “world Jewry,” and the “treasonous government” for all the country’s economic troubles. The largest German industrialists openly supported Hitler. The Nazis were helped by the lack of unity among the left forces: the communists and social democrats fought desperately with each other. At the request of industrialists, President Hindenburg appointed A. Hitler as Reich Chancellor - head of government - on January 30, 1933. In the March 1933 elections, Hitler was supported by 44% of voters.
Politics of totalitarian regimes. At the end of February 1933, taking advantage of the burning of the Reichstag, Hitler declared a state of emergency in Germany. Freedoms of speech, press and assembly were eliminated, and organs came under the control of members of the Nazi Party. government controlled and radio. Hitler achieved the adoption in the Reichstag of a law on the powers of the Reich Chancellor, which allowed him to issue his own laws. One of the first laws was the ban communist party, and therefore the activities of its members in the Reichstag. Many members of the Social Democratic Party were also deprived of the right to vote. Since July 1933, only the activities of the National Socialist Party were allowed in Germany. In 1934, after the death of President Hindenburg, Hitler combined the positions of president and chancellor.
Control for political activity in Germany was carried out by the secret police led by Himmler. The administration of labor and concentration camps also submitted to her.
Many Nazis demanded that drastic measures be taken against the Jews. Already in April 1933, they achieved the publication of a law banning Jews from working in government agencies. In the fall of 1935, all Jews in Germany were placed on special lists and deprived of citizenship and the right to vote. Many industrialists of Jewish origin, not receiving orders from the state, went bankrupt and began to sell their enterprises cheaply. In October 1938, the so-called Crystal Night occurred, during which the windows and windows of 7,000 Jewish-owned stores were broken. The emigration of Jews from Germany began. To promote Nazi ideas, a special Ministry of Propaganda was created, headed by Goebbels. Huge bonfires of books by writers disliked by the leaders of the Reich began to burn in the squares.
Instead of the disbanded trade unions, the authorities created the German Workers' Front. Children from 6 to 14 years old were part of the Deutsche Jungfelk (German Youth) organization. The next step was the Hitler Youth, whose members were boys from 14 to 18 years old. In 1936, a new law on youth was passed, according to which membership in Nazi organizations was mandatory for any young man. The regime created by Hitler in Germany enjoyed quite serious public support. Unemployment was virtually eliminated. Armament policy played a significant role in creating new jobs. State industrialists were provided with large loans and were supplied with raw materials. But the main role in modernization was given to private enterprises: Siemens, Krupp, and IG Farben.
German society was impressed by the courage of Hitler, who decisively ended the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, which created aviation and the navy. He was considered the main initiator of the revival of the new Germany.
4. Authoritarian regimes. In the mid-30s. XX century Many dictatorial and authoritarian regimes emerged in Europe. Dictator in Hungary Horthy managed to completely suppress the revolutionary movement by 1931. By 1934, the revolutionary movement was suppressed in Austria as well. In 1935, a dictatorship was established Piłsudski in Poland. A characteristic feature of dictatorial regimes was that they were ruled by aristocrats, generals, and land magnates. Most states with authoritarian regimes were drawn into economic cooperation with Germany. War propaganda has become fashionable. Many Europeans, especially young people, believed that it was during the war that best qualities citizen - fighting spirit, obedience to the leader and patriotism.
5.The Spanish Civil War and the establishment of Franco’s dictatorship. In April 1931, a republic was established in Spain. By the end of 1955, all leftist forces united into a powerful Popular Front. In February 1936, the Republicans won the parliamentary elections. In July 1936, monarchist generals led by Franco rebelled against the republican government. Fighting broke out both in Spain itself and in its colonies. The rebels were openly supported by Germany and Italy. On August 15, a “national government” was formed, which demanded the establishment of a military dictatorship in the country led by Franco. A rebel offensive began against the forces of the Republican government. Since the spring of 1937, German and Italian troops increasingly began to take direct part in hostilities on the side of Franco's troops.
From the beginning of the rebellion, France and England followed a policy of “non-intervention” and did not supply weapons to Spain. This policy played into the hands of the rebels, since neither Germany nor Italy stopped supplying arms to Franco. In the autumn of 1936, the Soviet Union began to provide assistance to Spain. The Republican Army was supplied with weapons and ammunition; military specialists and volunteers from the USSR took part in the war. At the same time, international brigades were created from supporters of left-wing anti-fascist views from all countries of the world. In 1937-1938 military operations proceeded with varying success. However, from mid-1938, the Francoists began to push out the Republicans everywhere. Strife and clashes in their camp aggravated the situation. After the loss of Barcelona in February 1939, the Republicans' supply of weapons deteriorated. In March, a conspiracy arose within the ranks of the Republican command. Franco's troops entered Madrid and by April 1 occupied the entire territory of Spain. Franco's dictatorship was established in the country.
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With this, Gazeta.Ru completes the historical online reconstruction of the events in Moscow on October 3, 1993. Tomorrow morning, October 4, we will remember the decisive battle for The White house. We invite readers to our new broadcast. See you soon!
Yegor Gaidar at a rally near the Moscow City Council declared that “the scales are tilting towards the president.”
President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin and First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation Yegor Gaidar at a meeting of heads of state of the CIS, 1992
Yeltsin's closest associates were divided on the use of the army in the operation. Therefore, the Taman, Tula, and Kantemirovsk divisions already sent to Moscow were stopped on the approaches to the city. There is no order to storm the White House, although a number of politicians speaks out in favor of sending troops.
Ostankino survived! Makashov after unsuccessful attempt to seize the television center, he gave the order to retreat.
“To hell with them, let’s go to the White House,” the general told his supporters.
Having learned about the failure of the attack, Rutskoi gave the order to pull new forces to Ostankino.
The ITAR-TASS agency briefly stops providing information. There were rumors about the storming and seizure of the building, as well as the arrest of the editorial leaders by Makashov’s detachment. The information has not been confirmed. In general, there was enough misinformation. Thus, Anpilov, who lay down under a tree during the attack on Ostankino, told his comrades and journalists about the alleged arrest of Mayor Luzhkov.
President Yeltsin went to rest, leaving his guard Korzhakov to monitor the situation. This is how the former head of the security service himself recalled it:
“Around eleven o’clock in the evening, Boris Nikolayevich went to sleep in the back room, and asked me to sit at the control panel of the country. I sat in the presidential chair almost the entire night from the third to the fourth of October. At a critical moment, the president allowed me to “steer” and did not reprimand me with comments like “don’t get involved in politics.”
An infantry fighting vehicle with a red flag arrives at the White House, greeted by general jubilation. Foreign journalists, meanwhile, are leaving the building.
A human chain of Yeltsin's supporters is forming around the Moscow City Council building. People declare their intention to “stand to the end.”
The first buses carrying participants in the assault on Ostankino are returning to the White House. There are many wounded among them.
Kutuzovsky Prospekt and Krasnopresnenskaya Embankment are controlled by supporters of the Supreme Soviet. In the area of Lubyanka and Old squares Ten policemen loyal to the government are on duty.
Rutskoi enters the White House curfew. All movements along the corridors at night are prohibited.
In the office of the first deputy chairman of the Moscow Council, the owner of the office, Yuri Sedykh-Bondarenko, Mossovet deputies Alexander Tsopov and Viktor Kuzin (chairman and his deputy in the legality commission) and General Vyacheslav Komissarov were arrested, Kommersant reported.
Head of Government Viktor Chernomyrdin held a meeting with his deputies and ministers. An operational headquarters has been created to maintain order. Deputy Defense Minister Konstantin Kobets was put in charge.
Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council Yuri Voronin cited in his memoirs parallels between the events in Moscow and the putsch of General Augusto Pinochet in Chile in 1973.
“There, simple, poor people came out to protest against Allende’s legal regime. In Russia, it is not the poor and not entirely Russians who “came out” to protest against the Constitution—Bonner, Akhedzhakova, Novodvorskaya. “Rostropovich, the petrel of revolutionary events in Russia,” the parliamentarian wrote, arrived exactly at the appointed time, minute by minute, as in the days of August 1991, to give a concert on Red Square.
The Moscow City Council is the center of attraction for the opponents of Khasbulatov and Rutskoi. Prominent democrat Konstantin Borovoy speaks from the balcony of a building on Tverskaya. He also calls for weapons to be given to Yeltsin's supporters. According to other sources, Borovoy, on the contrary, advocated a refusal to arm the crowd, so as “not to become like the political terrorists Rutskoi and Khasbulatov.” Citizens in solidarity with the president also gather on Vasilyevsky Spusk.
Yeltsin's press service publishes the president's address to the people. The text is designed in approximately the same tones as Gaidar’s recent speech on TV.
“Dear Muscovites! Today blood was shed in Moscow. Riots began. There are victims. Attempts are being made to take over government institutions. This is all a pre-planned event. former leaders The White House, those who continue to talk about the law and the Constitution. Today they have crossed the line of what is permissible, thereby placing themselves outside the law, outside society. They are ready to plunge Russia into the abyss of civil war. They are ready to bring to power criminals who have stained their hands with the blood of peaceful people. They don't need free elections, they don’t need a peaceful life.
The President, the Russian government, and the leadership of Moscow did everything to resolve the crisis peacefully. All Russians know that neither the president nor the government gave a single order that would allow armed violence.” , says the message.
Mayor Luzhkov and head of the presidential administration Filatov are helping to recruit people of democratic views with combat experience in the Moscow City Council building.
Svoboda reported information about Patriarch Alexy II’s heart attack. The same radio station rebroadcast Khasbulatov’s statement, in which he called on “supporters of democracy” to take the Kremlin and capture Yeltsin.
Anti-Yeltsin rally in 1993.
Acting Chairman of the State Committee for Emergency Situations Sergei Shoigu, in a conversation with Gaidar, guaranteed the distribution of weapons to Yeltsin’s supporters if necessary.
While supporters of the Armed Forces are not allowed on television at all costs, Yeltsin’s team is willingly given airtime. First Deputy Prime Minister Yegor Gaidar makes an appeal to the nation. The economist calls on those who support the president to gather near the Moscow City Council building. Hundreds of people respond to the call to take to the streets and form squads to protect important facilities. New fortifications are appearing on Tverskaya Street.
According to Gaidar, the president’s opponents are ready to “shed rivers of blood” in order to “restore the old totalitarian regime and take away our freedom again.”
“Unfortunately, the situation continues to worsen,” said the deputy prime minister, sitting in front of a blue wall. “There is a battle going on near Ostankino, the opposite side, bandits, are using grenade launchers, heavy machine guns, trying to seize communication centers, the media, and achieve forceful control in the city.”
According to the memoirs of Alexander Korzhakov, Defense Minister Pavel Grachev was at a loss during these hours and demanded protection from the fighters of Stanislav Terekhov’s Union of Officers who were allegedly planning to storm the building of the Ministry of Defense. The head of the Main Directorate, Mikhail Barsukov, allocated him a company of Kremlin soldiers and ten Alpha officers.
kremerphoto.ru“Some kind of madness took hold of the special forces or someone was constantly provoking them,” he wrote in his book “Privatization according to Chubais. Voucher scam. Shooting of Parliament" MP Sergei Polozkov. - All the attackers, among whom there were almost no people with weapons, scattered as soon as the shooting began. However, the Vityazevites fired at everything that moved for several hours. According to eyewitnesses, one armored personnel carrier even drove into the television center building, shot there, returned to the street and began shooting onlookers and those hiding in the surrounding area.”
The assault on Ostankino by supporters of the Supreme Council is gradually fading away. Unlike the former CMEA (City Hall) building, it was not possible to take the television center at once. Now the attackers are concentrating their efforts on building barricades near the building to prevent armored personnel carriers from breaking through. During a lull, the surviving demonstrators take the dead and wounded from under the television center. Other demonstrators gather near the ITAR-TASS building.
Intense shooting begins on the opposite side of Korolev Street. Government armored personnel carriers respond with machine-gun fire.
The victory in the battle between the leaders of the major league remained with Rotor (1:0). For the first and last time in history, the showing of the game of the best teams in the country was interrupted: Spartak would take first place in the 1993 championship, and the Volgograd team would take second place.
Other similar incidents invariably occurred during Lokomotiv Moscow matches in the Champions League. In 2001, due to the terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, the broadcast of the debut meeting of the “railwaymen” in the group stage of this tournament with Anderlecht at home (1:1) was stopped, and a year later the country almost did not see the fight between Yuri Semin’s charges and “ Barcelona away (0:1).
The broadcast of the Russian championship football match from Volgograd between the local Rotor and Moscow Spartak is unexpectedly interrupted. After a 30-second pause, Ostankino announcer Lev Viktorov makes an urgent statement to viewers.
“Due to the armed siege of the television company, we are forced to interrupt the broadcast,” he reports.
Makashov's fighters open fire back. It was not possible to break through the gates of the television center with trucks like in the city hall building. But representatives of the attacking side begin to enter the building in small groups. The risk of losing their lives no longer frightens them.
Immediately after the tragedy, Vityaz fighters opened fire on the crowd with automatic weapons. General Makashov’s people managed to take cover behind the walls of the building, so the bullets mainly fell on ordinary demonstrators, onlookers and reporters. Almost 50 people became victims of the massacre. Among them are foreigners: operator of the German channel ARD Rory Peck, his colleague from the French TF-1 France Ivan Skopan and American lawyer Terry Duncan, who came to Moscow to work in the company of his colleague James Firestone (who later collaborated with Sergei Magnitsky). The events at Ostankino claimed the lives of two employees of the television center. Channel 4 editor Igor Belozerov was fatally wounded outside, and video engineer Sergei Krasilnikov was killed at work. In addition, Vladimir Drobyshev, a correspondent for the magazine “Man and Nature,” who was in the crowd, suffered a heart attack.
Almost simultaneously with this call, an explosion occurs inside the building, as a result of which 19-year-old Vityaz fighter Nikolai Sitnikov is killed. Versions of what happened vary depending on the side of the conflict. According to participants in the defense of Ostankino, the death of the serviceman was caused by a shot from a grenade launcher, which was owned by supporters of the Supreme Council. However, an investigation conducted by Prosecutor General's Office investigator Leonid Proshkin showed that the private was killed through negligence by his own people, and in fact there was no explosion.
“In private conversations with the Vityaz command, I more than once asked the question of how and why they killed Sitnikov. Many admitted that the soldier was killed by special forces, but we are unlikely to know what exactly was used for the murder,” told Proshkin to Moskovsky Komsomolets in 2003.
General Makashov uses a megaphone to address the military personnel inside the television center, demanding that they hand over their weapons in three minutes and leave the building.
Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov appealed to residents not to take to the streets and not to participate in “illegal rallies.” At the same time, about a thousand Yeltsin supporters gathered near the Moscow City Council building. And new buses with people who spoke on the side of parliament are heading to Ostankino from the White House.
Ostankino security continues to be replenished with new security officers. Almost 500 police officers and internal troops are already speaking out against parliamentarians and their allies. They represent a variety of units - from the Vityaz special forces and riot police to unarmed conscripts.
Supporters of the Supreme Council continue to rally near the walls of Ostankino. Their demand is unchanged - to provide a live broadcast for the speech in front of all Russians. The management of the television center categorically refused to negotiate.
The events in Moscow are being closely followed in the West. World leaders led by US President Bill Clinton reiterate their unconditional support for Yeltsin.
Yeltsin decree decree No. 1575 “On the introduction state of emergency in Moscow” is read out on central TV.
Yeltsin's supporters are actively erecting barricades, responding to the call of presidential press secretary Vyacheslav Kostikov to “support the legitimate government.”
President Yeltsin is delivered from Barvikha to the Kremlin. The helicopter does not fly directly, but in a detour at low altitude, so theoretically it could become a target for a Kalashnikov assault rifle.
Propaganda of those sympathetic to the Supreme Council.
Propaganda poster of Yeltsin supporters from the Museum of Political History of Russia.
Supporters of the Supreme Council demand a live broadcast. Despite the refusal of the television crew to let Makashov inside, the general breaks into the territory of the center in his UAZ, breaking through the barrier chain with his bumper. Ostankino employees avoid contact and, under the pretext of discussing demands with their superiors, hide in the building. The security forces from the opposite camp do not take any action, only observing their counterparts. Makashov is trying to talk to them. It doesn’t work out - they don’t respond to the general’s admonitions.
Almost simultaneously, Makashov’s group and the Vityaz detachment arrive at the television center. Other supporters of the Armed Forces are also joining in. Anpilov, in his speech to the audience, calls on people to disperse. Konstantinov also egged on the crowd, declaring the upcoming capture of Ostankino “the key to victory.” Conscripts and special forces had a more than two-fold superiority in numbers and a significant advantage in the number and combat power of weapons. But among the Makashovites there were very determined people. For some time the situation took on the character of a “stagnation”.
The special unit "Alpha" arrived in the Kremlin on combat alert. Yeltsin's aides gathered the group's commanders and held a meeting right on the street, in the courtyard of the Arsenal, warning them of a possible assault on the White House. The commanders promised to carry out the president's orders.
By order of VV commander Anatoly Kulikov, 84 soldiers of the Sofrinsky brigade are being brought to Ostankino. The conscripts carry only bulletproof vests, helmets and rubber batons. The forces are not equal!
A red flag has been raised over the mayor's office. Demonstrators load onto trucks and buses and head towards Ostankino. Makashov is driving a UAZ at the head of the procession. Other leaders include Anpilov and Konstantinov.
The storming of the city hall lasted about half an hour. After the shooting ends, demonstrators break through the central entrance of the building, where law enforcement officers are holed up. Immediately after, supporters of the Supreme Council stormed the Mir Hotel: the headquarters of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate for maintaining order was located there. At the same time, news comes that the blockade of the White House has been broken.
The Council of Ministers - the Government of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Security, the Ministry of Defense, the Government of Moscow was ordered to take measures necessary to ensure the state of emergency and for this purpose were allowed to establish measures provided for in Articles 22, 23, 24 of the Law of Russia "On the State of Emergency" " The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was ordered to inform other states and the UN Secretary General that Russia, in accordance with paragraph 1 of Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, is using the right to derogate from obligations under the Covenant to the extent required by the exigency of the situation. The decree came into force from the moment it was signed.
Yeltsin signs decree No. 1575 “On the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow.”
“The demand of the Council of Ministers - the Government of the Russian Federation and the Moscow government for the organized liberation of the House of Soviets has not been fulfilled,” this document began. — The agreements reached on laying down arms and lifting the blockade of the House of Soviets have been thwarted. Negotiation process blocked by the irresponsible actions of R.I. Khasbulatov and A.V. Rutsky. Criminal elements, incited from the House of Soviets, started armed clashes in the center of Moscow. An emergency situation has created. In the area of Krasnopresnenskaya embankment and Arbat, cars are seized and set on fire, police officers are beaten, and the Moscow City Hall building is stormed. “Militants” fire from automatic weapons, organize combat detachments and centers of mass unrest in other areas of the Russian capital. Thousands of people, random passers-by who do not understand what is happening, are in mortal danger.”
A fierce battle ensues for the mayor's office (the former CMEA building on Novy Arbat). Fighting on the side of the opposition are members of the “Russian National Unity”, well prepared for street fighting (the organization is banned in Russia. - "Gazeta.Ru") Alexandra Barkashova and the security staff of Colonel General Albert Makashov, who was appointed Deputy Minister of Defense by Rutsky. There is a shootout with the police. Previously captured trucks are used, which demonstrators use as battering rams.
Former head of the Presidential Security Service Alexander Korzhakov remembered this watch in his book “Boris Yeltsin: from dawn to dusk”:
“On the third of October, Sunday, Soskovets, Barsukov, Tarpishchev and I met at the Presidential Club for lunch. Just sat down at the table, the phone rang. Barsukov answered the phone: the operational duty officer reported that an angry crowd had crushed the police cordon on Smolenskaya Square and was now storming the former CMEA building. The cordon near the White House has also been broken and excited people are making their way to the deputies holed up there.
Soskovets rushed in his car to the Government House, and the Barsukov Tarpishchevs and I rushed directly along Berezhkovskaya Embankment to the Kremlin. Just in case, I put the machine gun on my lap.
At the Kalininsky Bridge we were stopped by a traffic police inspector:
I leaned out the window and asked him:
- Let me go, please. We need it.
He didn't mind:
- Go, but keep in mind: anything can happen there.
As soon as we turned onto the bridge, the traffic police slowed down again. The conversation repeats itself. But we decided to go to the Kremlin this way.
A crowd swarmed across the bridge. We barely moved along the crowded roadway. Excited demonstrators banged on the car with their hands, but the windows were darkened and they could not see who was sitting in the car..."
The advanced groups of Anpilov's column approached along Kalinin Avenue (now New Arbat) to the former CMEA building (the new house of the Moscow government). Inspired by their successes in the confrontation with the security forces, the people began to remove the barriers. In response, the police started shooting. At least six demonstrators and two police officers were injured from “friendly fire.” According to other sources, more than 30 people wounded near the CMEA building went to city medical institutions that evening.
Yeltsin receives full information about what is happening while at his dacha in Barvikha. Companions are calling on the president to declare a state of emergency in the capital and give information about it on radio and television.
A rally begins on the White House balcony. Rutskoy calls on people to storm the mayor's office and the television center in Ostankino. Start forming the columns. People are incredibly excited. Shouts approving Rutskoi’s initiative can be heard everywhere.
Anpilov led people from October Square to the White House. There were about 4,000 people in the column. When entering Crimean Bridge they managed to break through the police cordon. The riot police fled under a hail of stones and blows from iron rods. The attempts of the security forces to stop the crowd’s breakthrough on Zubovskaya and Smolenskaya squares also ended in failure. Batons and items of police equipment went to the demonstrators. Trucks and buses also became trophies: they were used both as vehicles and as battering rams.
At the same time, the Ministry of Internal Affairs made efforts to further blockade the White House and prevent the demonstrators from breaking through. Three armored personnel carriers were brought in for these purposes.
Not everyone had enough space in the square; people occupy the adjacent streets and courtyards. The police seize the demonstrators one by one. They contact only random onlookers, people from the rearguard. There have been recorded cases of police officers deliberately exceeding their official powers and beating people.
The police are actively preventing the rally from taking place.
At the last moment, the mayor's office prohibits the rally, but it is decided to hold it anyway. The start was scheduled for 14:00 Moscow time. The square is cordoned off by police in full riot gear. The situation, flavored with mutual insults, quickly became explosive.
Yuri Abramochkin/RIA Novosti
The late ex-leader of Labor Russia Viktor Anpilov played a significant role in the October events on the side of the Supreme Council. The energetic tribune appeared every now and then with a constant microphone in front of the crowd, inspiring those who disagreed with Yeltsin’s policies to take a decisive action.
However, Anpilov was assessed ambiguously even by some of his comrades. Marat Musin, a representative of Vladislav Achalov, appointed Minister of Defense by the Supreme Council, noted in his memoirs Anpilov’s “unique ability” to “disappear at the moment of the start of one or another deliberately provoked bloodshed.”
“The only question is whether he is a conscious provocateur or a person who is simply being cleverly used,” Musin concluded.
Leader of the socio-political movement " Labor Russia"Viktor Anpilov addresses the rally participants from the balcony of the House of Soviets of the Russian Federation, 1993
Vladimir Fedorenko/RIA NovostiThe overwhelming majority of the media that dramatic fall took the side of Yeltsin and his team. Supporters of the Supreme Council were given the most unseemly epithets in the newspapers.
One of the main defenders of the White House, former Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council Yuri Voronin recalls: “The situation with the blockade of the House of Soviets became more and more difficult. We were ashamed to look into the eyes of foreign journalists, and they were ashamed to look into ours. They understood perfectly well that the demonstrative humiliation of parliament was being carried out in a country whose leaders had repeatedly declared their desire to build a civilized state and swore allegiance to “universal human values.”
Did Yeltsin want negotiations? I had no doubt before, but now, after the publication of the memoirs of the leaders and participants in the coup d'etat, I have finally strengthened my opinion that the president long ago made his choice to destroy Soviet democracy and usurp power.
However, during that period many Soviets people's deputies and the leaders of the constituent entities of the Federation and public associations took the initiative to immediately begin negotiations. We didn’t know much at that time and supported all proposals aimed at constructive dialogue,” the parliamentarian wrote in his book“Hobbled Russia: A Political-Economic Portrait of Yeltsinism.”
IN various points Supporters of the Supreme Soviet are gathering on the Garden Ring and near the Kievsky Station. There are many of them and they are embittered. The harsh actions of the police only embitter the crowd. Barricades are being erected on Smolenskaya Square: this is approximately 1.5 km from the White House. It’s hot on Oktyabrskaya Square too. Opposition leaders call on the people not to succumb to provocations and renounce violence. The police are unable to disperse people near the monument to Vladimir Lenin. The batons are used.
Barricades at the White House. 1993
Valery Volkov/"Gazeta.Ru"On October 1, at the residence of Patriarch Alexy II, negotiations were held between representatives of the President (Sergei Filatov, Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov), the Supreme Council (Deputy Chairman Yuri Voronin, Ramazan Abdulatipov, Valentina Domnina), the Constitutional Court and the Moscow Patriarchate. The initiative failed: subsequently the parties blamed each other for a deliberate attempt to disrupt the negotiation process. Khasbulatov called the meeting at the St. Daniel Monastery a “screen” and “child’s games.” Then it finally became clear that there would be no peaceful outcome to the conflict. At the same time, harsh police actions against peaceful protesters added fuel to the fire.
So, in the time that has passed since the promulgation of Decree 1400, the matter has become irreversible. Already on the night of September 22 The Supreme Council At an emergency session, he decided to terminate the powers of President Boris Yeltsin, transferring the corresponding functions to the country's Vice President Alexander Rutsky.
With his first order, he canceled Decree 1400 as “anti-constitutional,” and then reshuffled the security ministers and heads of the largest TV channels. However, the departments did not obey the appointees of the Supreme Council. Rutskoi’s next steps were the dismissal of the head of the presidential administration, Sergei Filatov, and the liquidation of the Main Security Directorate. All these decisions remained only on paper and were not implemented - as well as the following ones, in which Rutskoi, who signed a decree appointing himself supreme commander-in-chief, ordered the commanders of the Airborne Forces and the Moscow Military District to send their units to the White House. In this situation, representatives of parliament began to form volunteer detachments.
On the evening of September 23, blood was shed for the first time: two people died during an attempt to attack the building of the Main Command of the CIS Allied Forces.
Rallies of supporters of the Supreme Council and like-minded people of Yeltsin took place in Moscow. Meanwhile, the White House was preparing for a possible assault - and was determined to repel it. Khasbulatov and Rutskoy periodically spoke from the balcony of the building, supporting the morale of their comrades who remained outside with a promise to “stand to the end.” As Rutskaya stated in one of his speeches, Yeltsin, Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev and Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly Chubais “are CIA agents and are carrying out the Dulles plan prepared in 1945.”
The escalation of the crisis that had been smoldering since the end of 1992 occurred on September 21, when Russian President Boris Yeltsin signed Decree No. 1400, which terminated the activities of the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies - supreme body state power in the country. Chairman of Parliament Ruslan Khasbulatov called what was happening an “anti-constitutional coup.” Moscow found itself split by the confrontation between two political groups that had diametrically opposed views on economic reforms. The events of that day can be found in We tried not to miss a single important detail: enjoy reading!
Exactly 25 years ago, the struggle that unfolded in Moscow between the two branches Russian authorities- the executive represented by Russian President Boris Yeltsin and the legislative, which was represented by the Supreme Council headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov - entered a decisive phase. The conflict, which has lasted since September 21, has already led to violent clashes and numerous casualties. Krasnaya Presnya, where the White House, a stronghold of parliamentarians, was located, bristled with spontaneously erected barricades. Both sides are supported by determined people. As they will say later, on October 3-4, Russia found itself on the verge of a civil war. Gazeta.Ru recalls the dramatic events of a quarter-century ago in an online broadcast.
On December 5, 1936, the “Stalinist” Constitution of the USSR was adopted, according to which Soviet system was formally democratic in nature. Elections were regularly held for Councils at all levels - from the Supreme to the local. True, the word “elections” did not entirely accurately reflect reality, since only one candidate was nominated from the “indestructible bloc of communists and non-party people.” Failure to participate in elections was considered by the authorities as sabotage and was subject to severe punishment. Candidates for elective positions were only formally approved at meetings of voters, but were actually appointed by party structures. Each Council had its own executive agency: from the Council of People's Commissars (USSR government) to the executive committees of local Soviets. All positions in the executive structure of officials were appointed by the relevant party organizations. Stalin personally appointed people's commissars. An article was introduced into the Constitution of 1936 that reflected the principle of party omnipotence: “The party is the leading core of all organizations, both public and state.” The comprehensive power of the CPSU(b) was exercised through decision-making on all issues of state, social and cultural life, as well as their implementation under the control of millions of party members. Stalin gave the party structure a militarized character.
The first sign of the establishment of totalitarianism in the USSR was the diminishment of the role of the Soviets, their removal from power, the replacement of the slogan “All power to the working people” with the slogan “Power for the working people” through party and state functionaries. The majority of the population did not have access to real levers of power. The decisions of the XVII Congress of the CPSU(b) significantly strengthened the role of the party apparatus: it received the right to directly deal with government and economic management, the top party leadership acquired unlimited freedom, and ordinary communists were obliged to strictly obey the leadership centers of the party hierarchy.
Along with the executive committees of the Soviets, party committees functioned in industry, agriculture, science, and culture, whose role in fact becomes decisive. In conditions of concentration of real political power in party committees, the Soviets carried out primarily economic, cultural and organizational functions.
The ingrowth of the party into the economy and the public sphere from that time on became a distinctive feature of the Soviet political system. A kind of pyramid of party and state administration was built, the top of which was firmly occupied by I.V. Stalin as the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Thus, the initially secondary position of the Secretary General turned into a primary one, giving its holder the right to supreme power in the country.
The second characteristic feature of the totalitarian regime in the USSR was the promotion of the state apparatus to the leading roles in the structures of power, its increase and merging with the party apparatus. The appointment and transfer of personnel of the entire state apparatus at the will of the party leadership was the core of the regime, since this is what ensured the personal dependence of those appointed on the top of the management pyramid. Largely because J.V. Stalin at one time appointed party leaders to positions and they were personally indebted to him, he won the internal party struggle.
Another feature of totalitarianism is the politicization (in terms of propaganda) of all life, the ideologization of society and public life on the basis of a single state ideology. Stalin won because the military-communist ideology was more accessible and closer to millions of recruits to industrialization than the ideology of commodity-money relations. He managed to turn the consciousness of people, pervert moral values so that tyranny seemed to them the highest form of humanism. To achieve these goals, the propaganda apparatus was monopolized, open expression of alternative points of view was not allowed; there was no opportunity to compare life within the country with the level of the rest of the world; all successes were attributed to the existing government, and all failures to the machinations of its external and internal opponents; the image of a “wise leader” was created, for which history was rewritten; forced people to repeat official lies, that is, they turned almost all citizens into accomplices of the regime; promoted denunciation and mutual surveillance as the duty of an honest citizen.
The inhumane methods and crimes of the Stalinist leadership were supported by the majority of the party. Huge role In this, I think, the moral relativism of a significant layer of the Bolsheviks, their denial of universal moral norms and their absolute nature, played a role. In addition, the party itself was struck by bureaucracy. The terror and repression that befell society and the party demoralized many.
The next feature of the Soviet totalitarian regime was “emergency”, i.e. a set of principles, methods, and management techniques based on mass repression and extrajudicial coercion. The establishment of the power of the party-state apparatus was accompanied by the rise and strengthening of the power structures of the state and its repressive bodies. Already in 1929, so-called “troikas” were created in each district, which included the first secretary of the district party committee, the chairman of the district executive committee and a representative of the Main Political Directorate (GPU). They began to carry out out-of-court proceedings against the perpetrators, passing their own verdicts. In 1934, on the basis of the OGPU, the Main Directorate of State Security was formed, which became part of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD). Under him, a Special Conference (SCO) was established, which at the union level consolidated the practice of extrajudicial sentences.
Relying on a powerful system of punitive authorities, the Stalinist leadership in the 30s spun the flywheel of repression. Intra-party reconciliation ended on December 1, 1934, when the leader of the Leningrad communists, member of the Politburo and friend of Stalin, S. M. Kirov, was killed by terrorists in the corridor of Smolny. This murder was used general secretary to unleash a new round of terror, during which about 30 million citizens of all ages and social groups were subjected to repression.
It should be noted following reasons mass terror 30s This is the nature of the Bolshevik ideology, which divided people into “obsolete” and “progressive” classes into “friends” and “enemies”. Since the Bolsheviks came to power, revolutionary violence has become a tradition and an effective tool of governance. Accidents in mines, failure of equipment, crashes of overloaded trains in railways oh, the lack of goods in stores, poor quality food in workers' canteens - all this could be presented as the result of the sabotage activities of external and internal enemies. For accelerated extensive development of the economy, laying the foundations of factory buildings, extracting timber and minerals, digging canals, and laying railroads, qualified cheap labor was needed. The presence of millions of prisoners made the decision easier economic tasks. Terror and fear held together the management pyramid and served as the foundation of humility and complete submission local authorities power to the center. To justify its comfortable existence, the huge punitive apparatus needed the constant presence of “enemies of the people.” Finally, in historiography there is an opinion that the terror was a consequence of the mental illness of Stalin, who suffered from paranoia and mania of persecution.
Since the mid-30s, after the murder of S. M. Kirov, criminal legislation has sharply tightened. On December 1, 1934, a resolution was adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR “On Amendments to the Current Codes of Criminal Procedure,” according to which a person arrested under a political article was deprived of the right to defense and appeal, his case was conducted for no more than 10 days, and the sentence was carried out immediately upon delivery. On March 30, 1935, a law was approved that condemned members of the family of a traitor to the Motherland (CSIR) to arrest and deportation. On April 7, 1935, a law was passed on criminal prosecution and the application of the death penalty from the age of 12. Capital punishment was threatened under the law of July 9, 1935, to citizens of the USSR who tried to flee abroad.
The repressive apparatus was put on alert: the Supreme Court, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court, the Special Meeting, the NKVD, the “troikas” and the prosecutor’s office. A series of open ones passed trials over figures of all former oppositions (the case of the “Anti-Soviet United Trotskyist-Zinoviev Center”, the trial of the “Parallel Anti-Soviet Trotskyist Center”, the trial of the “Anti-Soviet Right-Trotskyist Bloc”).
The open trials were only the tip of the iceberg of terror. Severe sentences were handed down by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court and the Special Meetings and the Troikas. More than half of the sentences were handed down in absentia. Almost all those repressed were subject to Article 58 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. During the years of the “Great Terror” (1937-1938), an average of 360 thousand death sentences were handed down per year, i.e. approximately a thousand people were shot per day. Most of those arrested received a ten-year prison sentence under Article 58. Those sentenced to death were sent to the GULAG colonies (Main Directorate of Camps), where the average life expectancy of a general labor prisoner was about three months.
In 1937-1938, starting with the trial of Marshal M.N. Tukhachevsky, terror fell on the officer corps of the Red Army, about 40 thousand commanders were shot and imprisoned in camps. After the removal from the post of People's Commissar of Internal Affairs N.I. Ezhov (December 1938), the punitive authorities were subjected to repression. The entire administrative apparatus was cleaned out. A roller coaster of terror swept through the intelligentsia, this time through the artistic community. Ordinary people - workers, minor employees, housewives - were also subjected to repression.
The data known today about the mechanism of the “Great Terror” allows us to say that among the many reasons for these actions, the desire of the Soviet leadership to destroy the potential “fifth column” in the face of a growing military threat was of particular importance.
What were the consequences of the policy of mass repression? On the one hand, it cannot be denied that this policy really increased the level of “cohesion” of the country’s population, which was then able to unite in the face of fascist aggression. But at the same time, without even taking into account the moral and ethical side of the process (torture and death of millions of people), it is difficult to deny the fact that mass repressions disorganized the life of the country. Constant arrests among the heads of enterprises and collective farms led to a decline in discipline and responsibility in production. There was a huge shortage of military personnel. The Stalinist leadership itself abandoned mass repressions in 1938 and purged the NKVD, but fundamentally this punitive machine remained intact.
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TOTALITARIARY REGIME AND TOTAL SOCIETY IN THE 30S
Introduction
In the recent past, Russia has experienced a systemic crisis generated by attempts to transition from the totalitarian state of the Soviet era to the democratic system of the new millennium. Under these conditions, it seems very important to consider and analyze what was established in the 30s. XX century in the USSR totalitarian political regime, taking into account the specifics and characteristics of the historical, social and political development of our country. totalitarian soviet society
A totalitarian political regime is like this politic system which strives for complete (total) control over the entire life of society as a whole and over the life of each person individually. Power is in the hands of one party, and the party itself is under the authority of one leader. The ruling party is merging with the state apparatus. At the same time, the nationalization of society occurs, that is, the destruction of public life independent of the state, the state becomes illegal. The party-state apparatus establishes monopoly control over the economic sphere, asserting centralized management of the economy and a monopoly on information. The preservation and strengthening of this entire system of monopolies is impossible without violence. Therefore, a totalitarian regime is characterized by the use of terror as a means domestic policy; militarization of society and the creation of a “military camp” or “besieged fortress” environment.
Totalitarian regimes emerged in the 1930s. in several European countries: Italy, Germany, Spain, etc., however, the Stalinist regime lasted longer than all of them.
The purpose of this work, therefore, is to study the features of the totalitarian regime in the Soviet Union of the 30s and its manifestations in the social life of Soviet people.
Tasks through which the goal of the work is realized:
· find out the reasons and stages of the formation of totalitarianism in the USSR;
· establish the nature of Soviet totalitarianism, highlight its main signs and features.
· identify the forms and methods of influence of the totalitarian system on Soviet society.
The source base for the work is the Constitution of the USSR of 1936, collections containing legislative and regulations Soviet state for the period of the 30s. XX century
The USSR Constitution adopted in 1936 can be considered a symbol of the era. It guaranteed citizens the entire range of democratic rights and freedoms. Another thing is that citizens were deprived of most of them. The USSR was characterized as a socialist state of workers and peasants. The Constitution noted that socialism had basically been built, and public socialist ownership of the means of production had been established. The Soviets of Working People's Deputies were recognized as the political basis of the USSR.
The literature used is represented by fundamental scientific works and periodical publications published on the topic of this work, as well as teaching aids on national history.
The tasks determined the structure of the work, which helped to fully develop the topic.
1. The formation of a totalitarian regime in the USSR
Forced economic development led to a tightening of the political regime in the country. Let us recall that the choice of a forced strategy presupposed a sharp weakening, if not complete destruction, of commodity-money mechanisms for regulating the economy with the absolute predominance of the administrative-economic system. Planning, production, and technical discipline in an economy devoid of levers of economic interest were most easily achieved by relying on the political apparatus, state sanction, and administrative coercion. As a result, the same forms of strict obedience to the directive on which the economic system was built prevailed in the political sphere.
Strengthening the totalitarian principles of the political system was also highly demanded low level material well-being of the overwhelming majority of society, which accompanied the accelerated version of industrialization and attempts to overcome economic backwardness. The enthusiasm and conviction of the advanced strata of society alone was not enough to maintain, during a quarter of a century of peacetime, the standard of living of millions of people at a level that usually exists for short periods of time during years of war and social catastrophes. Enthusiasm, in this situation, had to be supported by other factors, primarily organizational and political, regulation of measures of labor and consumption (severe punishments for the theft of public property, for absenteeism and lateness to work, restrictions on movement, etc.). The need to take these measures, naturally, did not in any way favor the democratization of political life.
The formation of a totalitarian regime was also favored by a special type political culture, characteristic of Russian society throughout its history. A disdainful attitude towards the law and justice is combined in it with the obedience of the bulk of the population to the authorities, the violent nature of the government, the absence of legal opposition, the idealization of the population of the head of government - a subservient type of political culture. This type of political culture, characteristic of the bulk of society, is also reproduced within the framework of the Bolshevik Party, which was formed mainly by people from the people. Coming from the policy of “war communism”, the “Red Guard attack on capital”, the overestimation of the role of violence in the political struggle, indifference to cruelty weakened the sense of moral validity and justification for many political actions that the party activists had to carry out. The Stalinist regime, as a result, did not encounter active resistance within the party apparatus itself.
Thus, we can conclude that a combination of economic, political, and cultural factors contributed to the formation of a totalitarian regime in the USSR in the 30s, the system of personal dictatorship of J.V. Stalin.
The command-administrative system as the economic basis of totalitarianism in the USSR was formed in the process of industrialization and collectivization. The one-party political system was established in the USSR already in the 20s. The merging of the party apparatus with the state apparatus, the subordination of the party to the state, became a fact at the same time. In the 30s. The CPSU(b), having gone through a number of sharp battles between its leaders in the struggle for power, was a single, strictly centralized, strictly subordinate, well-functioning mechanism.
The formation of a totalitarian state in the USSR, substantiated in the works of most Western historians, as well as in Russian historical science of the 90s. XX century, is described as follows. Laying the foundations of totalitarianism began under V.I. Lenin. All the diversity of economic and social. The political and cultural life of Russia began to be brought to a single pattern (unified) in the very first months after the Bolsheviks seized power. The “cavalry attack on capital” and the nationalization of land created the conditions for undermining the institution of private property, which is the basis civil society. The slight retreat towards economic freedom made during the NEP years was doomed in advance due to the presence of an all-encompassing administrative apparatus in the country. Officials brought up on communist ideology were ready to overthrow the NEP at any moment. In the political sphere, the Bolshevik monopoly on power did not shake even during the NEP years. On the contrary, it was in the first years after the civil war that all sprouts of Russian multi-party system. In the ruling party itself, the resolution of the Tenth Congress of the RCP(b) “On Unity,” adopted on the initiative of V.I. Lenin, established unanimity and iron discipline. Already under Lenin, state violence established itself as a universal means of solving the problems facing the authorities. The repressive apparatus also remained. The NKVD inherited and developed all the traditions of the Cheka. An important place in Lenin's legacy was the assertion of the dominance of one ideology. In the first months after the October Revolution, with the closure of non-Bolshevik newspapers, the communists monopolized the right to mass information. At the beginning of the NEP, through the creation of Glavlit, the expulsion of dissident intellectuals, etc., the ruling party brought the entire sphere of education under its control. Thus, supporters of this concept argue, the foundation of a totalitarian state was laid in Russia by Lenin, and the Stalinist regime became an organic continuation of the Leninist revolution. Stalin brought to its logical conclusion what was started under Lenin.
It is interesting that this approach of anti-communist historians completely coincides with the assessment of the role of Stalin during his reign and corresponds to the slogan of that time: “Stalin is Lenin today!”
A different point of view on the role of Stalin and the state he created was formed in Soviet historiography after the 20th Congress of the CPSU and was revived in the second half of the 80s, during “perestroika”. Supporters of this assessment (R. Medvedev) argue that October Revolution and Lenin’s plan for building socialism, which began to be implemented in the 20s, should ultimately lead to the creation in the country of a just socialist society, the goal of which was to constantly improve the well-being of all citizens. However, having usurped power, Stalin betrayed the ideals of October, formed a cult of his personality in the country, violated Leninist norms of internal party and public life, relying on terror and violence. It is no coincidence that in the second half of the 50s and early 60s the slogan appeared: “Back to Lenin!”
2. Totalitarianism of the 30s. and its main features
On December 5, 1936, the “Stalinist” Constitution of the USSR was adopted, according to which the Soviet system was formally democratic in nature. Elections were regularly held for Councils at all levels - from the Supreme to the local. True, the word “elections” did not entirely accurately reflect reality, since only one candidate was nominated from the “indestructible bloc of communists and non-party people.” Failure to participate in elections was considered by the authorities as sabotage and was subject to severe punishment. Candidates for elective positions were only formally approved at meetings of voters, but were actually appointed by party structures. Each Council had its own executive body: from the Council of People's Commissars (USSR government) to the executive committees of local Councils. All positions in the executive structure of officials were appointed by the relevant party organizations. Stalin personally appointed people's commissars. An article was introduced into the Constitution of 1936 that reflected the principle of party omnipotence: “The party is the leading core of all organizations, both public and state.” The comprehensive power of the CPSU(b) was exercised through decision-making on all issues of state, social and cultural life, as well as their implementation under the control of millions of party members. Stalin gave the party structure a militarized character.
The first sign of the establishment of totalitarianism in the USSR was the diminishment of the role of the Soviets, their removal from power, the replacement of the slogan “All power to the working people” with the slogan “Power for the working people” through party and state functionaries. The majority of the population did not have access to real levers of power. The decisions of the 17th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) significantly strengthened the role of the party apparatus: it received the right to directly engage in state and economic management, the top party leadership acquired unlimited freedom, and ordinary communists were obliged to strictly obey the leadership centers of the party hierarchy.
Along with the executive committees of the Soviets, party committees functioned in industry, agriculture, science, and culture, whose role in fact becomes decisive. In conditions of concentration of real political power in party committees, the Soviets carried out primarily economic, cultural and organizational functions.
The ingrowth of the party into the economy and the public sphere from that time on became a distinctive feature of the Soviet political system. A kind of pyramid of party and state administration was built, the top of which was firmly occupied by I.V. Stalin as the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Thus, the initially secondary position of the Secretary General turned into a primary one, giving its holder the right to supreme power in the country.
The second characteristic feature of the totalitarian regime in the USSR was the promotion of the state apparatus to the leading roles in the structures of power, its increase and merging with the party apparatus. The appointment and transfer of personnel of the entire state apparatus at the will of the party leadership was the core of the regime, since this is what ensured the personal dependence of those appointed on the top of the management pyramid. Largely because J.V. Stalin at one time appointed party leaders to positions and they were personally indebted to him, he won the internal party struggle.
Another feature of totalitarianism is the politicization (in terms of propaganda) of all life, the ideologization of society and public life on the basis of a single state ideology. Stalin won because the military-communist ideology was more accessible and closer to millions of recruits to industrialization than the ideology of commodity-money relations. He managed to turn the consciousness of people, pervert moral values so that tyranny seemed to them the highest form of humanism. To achieve these goals, the propaganda apparatus was monopolized, open expression of alternative points of view was not allowed; there was no opportunity to compare life within the country with the level of the rest of the world; all successes were attributed to the existing government, and all failures to the machinations of its external and internal opponents; the image of a “wise leader” was created, for which history was rewritten; forced people to repeat official lies, that is, they turned almost all citizens into accomplices of the regime; promoted denunciation and mutual surveillance as the duty of an honest citizen.
The inhumane methods and crimes of the Stalinist leadership were supported by the majority of the party. A huge role in this, it seems, was played by the moral relativism of a significant layer of the Bolsheviks, their denial of universal moral norms and their absolute nature. In addition, the party itself was struck by bureaucracy. The terror and repression that befell society and the party demoralized many.
The next feature of the Soviet totalitarian regime was “emergency”, i.e. a set of principles, methods, and management techniques based on mass repression and extrajudicial coercion. The establishment of the power of the party-state apparatus was accompanied by the rise and strengthening of the power structures of the state and its repressive bodies. Already in 1929, so-called “troikas” were created in each district, which included the first secretary of the district party committee, the chairman of the district executive committee and a representative of the Main Political Directorate (GPU). They began to carry out out-of-court proceedings against the perpetrators, passing their own verdicts. In 1934, on the basis of the OGPU, the Main Directorate of State Security was formed, which became part of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD). Under him, a Special Conference (SCO) was established, which at the union level consolidated the practice of extrajudicial sentences.
Relying on a powerful system of punitive authorities, the Stalinist leadership in the 30s spun the flywheel of repression. Intra-party reconciliation ended on December 1, 1934, when the leader of the Leningrad communists, member of the Politburo and friend of Stalin, S. M. Kirov, was killed by terrorists in the corridor of Smolny. This murder was used by the Secretary General to unleash a new round of terror, during which about 30 million citizens of all ages and social groups were subjected to repression.
It is necessary to note the following reasons for the mass terror of the 30s. This is the nature of the Bolshevik ideology, which divided people into “obsolete” and “progressive” classes into “friends” and “enemies”. Since the Bolsheviks came to power, revolutionary violence has become a tradition and an effective tool of governance. Accidents in mines, failure of equipment, crashes of overloaded trains on railways, lack of goods in stores, poor quality food in workers' canteens - all this could be presented as the result of the sabotage activities of external and internal enemies. For accelerated extensive development of the economy, laying the foundations of factory buildings, extracting timber and minerals, digging canals, and laying railroads, qualified cheap labor was needed. The presence of millions of prisoners made it easier to solve economic problems. Terror and fear held together the administrative pyramid and served as the foundation for obedience and complete subordination of local authorities to the center. To justify its comfortable existence, the huge punitive apparatus needed the constant presence of “enemies of the people.” Finally, in historiography there is an opinion that the terror was a consequence of the mental illness of Stalin, who suffered from paranoia and mania of persecution.
Since the mid-30s, after the murder of S. M. Kirov, criminal legislation has sharply tightened. On December 1, 1934, a resolution was adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR “On Amendments to the Current Codes of Criminal Procedure,” according to which a person arrested under a political article was deprived of the right to defense and appeal, his case was conducted for no more than 10 days, and the sentence was carried out immediately upon delivery. On March 30, 1935, a law was approved that condemned members of the family of a traitor to the Motherland (CSIR) to arrest and deportation. On April 7, 1935, a law was passed on criminal prosecution and the application of the death penalty from the age of 12. Capital punishment was threatened under the law of July 9, 1935, to citizens of the USSR who tried to flee abroad.
The repressive apparatus was put on alert: the Supreme Court, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court, the Special Meeting, the NKVD, the “troikas” and the prosecutor’s office. A series of open trials were held against figures of all former oppositions (the case of the “Anti-Soviet United Trotskyist-Zinoviev Center”, the trial of the “Parallel Anti-Soviet Trotskyist Center”, the trial of the “Anti-Soviet Right-Trotskyist Bloc”).
The open trials were only the tip of the iceberg of terror. Severe sentences were handed down by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court and the Special Meetings and the Troikas. More than half of the sentences were handed down in absentia. Almost all those repressed were subject to Article 58 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. During the years of the “Great Terror” (1937-1938), an average of 360 thousand death sentences were handed down per year, i.e. approximately a thousand people were shot per day. Most of those arrested received a ten-year prison sentence under Article 58. Those sentenced to death were sent to the GULAG colonies (Main Directorate of Camps), where the average life expectancy of a general labor prisoner was about three months.
In 1937-1938, starting with the trial of Marshal M.N. Tukhachevsky, terror fell on the officer corps of the Red Army, about 40 thousand commanders were shot and imprisoned in camps. After the removal from the post of People's Commissar of Internal Affairs N.I. Ezhov (December 1938), the punitive authorities were subjected to repression. The entire administrative apparatus was cleaned out. A roller coaster of terror swept through the intelligentsia, this time through the artistic community. Ordinary people - workers, minor employees, housewives - were also subjected to repression.
The data known today about the mechanism of the “Great Terror” allows us to say that among the many reasons for these actions, the desire of the Soviet leadership to destroy the potential “fifth column” in the face of a growing military threat was of particular importance.
What were the consequences of the policy of mass repression? On the one hand, it cannot be denied that this policy really increased the level of “cohesion” of the country’s population, which was then able to unite in the face of fascist aggression. But at the same time, without even taking into account the moral and ethical side of the process (torture and death of millions of people), it is difficult to deny the fact that mass repressions disorganized the life of the country. Constant arrests among the heads of enterprises and collective farms led to a decline in discipline and responsibility in production. There was a huge shortage of military personnel. The Stalinist leadership itself abandoned mass repressions in 1938 and purged the NKVD, but fundamentally this punitive machine remained intact.
3. Soviet society of the 30s. in conditions of totalitarianism
The totalitarian regime during this period constantly balanced between the bureaucratic apparatus and the working masses, between emergency measures and popular enthusiasm. At the same time, the goals of socialism were separated from the person. The interests of the individual were replaced by the interests of the state. And the state turned into a system of departments in which there is no place for creativity and initiative of the working people.
The social support of the Stalinist regime consisted of: part of the “old workers”, imbued with anti-bourgeois sentiments; workers who worked well, set labor productivity records, mastered new technology and were accordingly well supplied - the “labor aristocracy”; rural poor; “disbanded peasants” are newly minted workers, cut off from the past, deprived of the present, living only in the future.
A form of speculation on the class feelings of the workers was the proclamation of a course to accelerate “socialist transformations.” The grandeur of the plans, having a powerful stimulating effect on the workers, captivated them with the idea of socialist construction. They were ready to sacrifice everything, give everything, they could work as much as necessary and much more if they were told that they were the real owners of the country.
A very difficult spiritual atmosphere has developed in society. On the one hand, many wanted to believe that life was getting better and more fun, that difficulties would pass, and that what they had done would remain forever - in the bright future that they were building for the next generations. Hence the enthusiasm, faith, hope for justice, pride from participating in what millions of people believed was a great cause. On the other hand, fear reigned, a feeling of one’s own insignificance, insecurity, and a readiness to unquestioningly carry out the commands given by someone was asserted.
The population was covered by a whole network of public organizations: trade unions, Komsomol, Pioneer and October organizations, etc. The pyramid of power was cemented with the cement of terror. As one researcher noted, the history of terror cannot be written like the history of Soviet industry, the history of Soviet sports, or the history of Soviet family. Terror was present directly or indirectly in industry, in the family, and in sports. Terror was of a lottery nature, so anyone could turn out to be an “enemy of the people” at any moment. Because of the terror, parents spoke differently to their children, writers wrote differently, workers and bosses spoke differently to each other. Terror plunged the population into a state of prostration and turned it into submissive masses. Millions of prisoners were used as free labor on all five-year construction projects.
During the formation of the Stalinist regime, many traditions of Russian culture were destroyed. State control over culture has become total. To the already existing ones, new structures were added that carried out unification in the cultural sphere (All-Union Committee for high school, Committee on Arts, All-Union Committee on Radio Broadcasting, etc.). The congresses and conferences of the intelligentsia that existed in the 1920s gradually disappeared. In 1933, the USSR Academy of Sciences was subordinated to the government. The content of the social sciences was completely determined by the guidelines of the “Short Course in the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)” published in 1938. All major cultural issues were decided personally by Stalin and the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
In 1931, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks adopted another resolution “On universal compulsory primary education” for children aged 8-10 years. By 1939, the literacy rate of the population of all ages had risen to 89%. Along with second-level schools, where it was possible to obtain secondary education, factory schools (FZU) and schools for peasant youth (SHKM) were created. Unified textbooks were published for all subjects.
In the field of higher education, the destruction of the pre-revolutionary intelligentsia continued, in the literal sense of the word. Their places were taken by young, politically savvy “promoters” who had undergone accelerated training. A system of such training began to take shape in the 1930s. The total number of engineering, agricultural, medical and pedagogical universities in the RSFSR increased from 90 in 1928 to 481 in 1940. Funding for some universities was transferred to sectoral people's commissariats.
During the years of collectivization, the Orthodox Church was completely destroyed. Tens of thousands of churches in Russian villages were destroyed or turned into clubs and warehouses. Many priests ended up in camps. The NKVD took control of those who remained free.
By the mid-30s, the majority of creative workers not only accepted the new social system, but also actively praised it in their works. To facilitate the control of party bodies over the activities of the creative intelligentsia, in 1925 the process of merging small associations was initiated. In 1934, at the First Congress of Soviet Writers, “socialist realism” was proclaimed the main method of creating creative works. Guided by this method, writers, artists, and filmmakers, in fact, had to address only the themes specified by the party and show not what actually existed, but what should exist ideally. The leading themes of the literature of the 30s were revolution, collectivization, industrialization and the fight against “enemies of the people.”
4. Foreign policy of the USSR in the 30s
New course of Soviet diplomacy. Since the beginning of the 1930s, there has been a significant turn in Soviet foreign policy, expressed in a departure from the perception of all “imperialist” states as real enemies, ready at any moment to start a war against the USSR. This turn was caused by a new alignment of political forces in Europe associated with the coming to power in Germany of the National Socialist Party led by A. Hitler. At the end of 1933, the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, on behalf of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, developed a detailed plan for creating a system of collective security in Europe. From this moment until August 1939, Soviet foreign policy acquired a clear anti-German orientation. Its main priority is the desire for an alliance with Western powers in order to isolate potential aggressors - Germany, Italy and Japan. This course was largely connected with the activities of the new People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov. The first successes in the implementation of the new foreign policy plans of the USSR were the establishment of diplomatic relations with the USA in November 1933 and the admission of the USSR to the League of Nations in 1934, where it became a permanent member of its Council. What is fundamentally important is that the admission of the Soviet Union to the League of Nations took place on its own terms: all controversial issues(in particular, regarding the debts of Tsarist Russia) were decided in favor of the USSR. This act meant the country's formal return to the world community as a great power.
Within of this period the conclusion of bilateral treaties begins between the Soviet Union and other European countries. In May 1935, an agreement was concluded with France on mutual assistance in the event of an attack by any aggressor. Such a mutual commitment was in fact ineffective, since it was not supported by any military agreements. Following this, a similar agreement was signed with Czechoslovakia. In 1935, the USSR sharply condemned the introduction of universal conscription in Germany and the Italian attack on Ethiopia. After the introduction of German troops into the Rhineland demilitarized zone, the Soviet leadership proposed that the League of Nations take collective measures to effectively suppress violations of international obligations, but this initiative remained unheeded. The League of Nations has shown its complete inability to prevent the strengthening of aggressive powers. In the face of the growing German threat, England and France are pursuing a policy of “appeasement,” hoping to protect themselves by pitting Germany against the Soviet Union. The duality of the policies of Western states manifested itself during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1938). The League of Nations, which declared non-interference in Spanish affairs, turned a blind eye to the actual participation of Germany and Italy in the war. As a result, from October 1936, the USSR also began to provide support to the Spanish Republic. By the end of the 30s, Germany’s expansionist policy in Europe was unfolding with particular force. In March 1938, Austria was occupied, and preparations began for the capture of Czechoslovakia. The USSR was ready to provide military assistance to Czechoslovakia if France also provided support, and also if Czechoslovakia wished to resist. However, the Western powers actually chose to sacrifice this country. On September 30, 1938, an agreement was concluded in Munich between representatives of Germany, Italy, France and England, giving the German army the right to occupy the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia. In the spring of 1939, German troops captured the rest of the territory of the Czech Republic and the Soviet Union found itself in foreign political isolation. The last attempts to conclude a military-political alliance with England and France date back to the spring-summer of 1939. On April 17, 1939, the Soviet government in Once again proposed concluding a triple treaty and developing a joint military convention. The ongoing negotiations proceeded extremely slowly, primarily due to the desire of Western states to solve their foreign policy difficulties at the expense of the USSR. Since May 1939, England begins to conduct secret negotiations with Germany. Negotiations between the USSR, England and France, held in August 1939 in Moscow, ended in nothing. The last opportunity to unite anti-fascist forces and thereby prevent the growing threat to peace in Europe was missed.
Soviet-German rapprochement 1939-1941. After " Munich agreement“Trust in Western powers in the USSR is significantly declining. Already in the spring of 1939, statements began to appear in I. Stalin’s speeches that it was not Germany, but England and France that were greater threat for peace in Europe. The unsuccessful negotiations in the spring-summer of 1939 contributed to a significant strengthening of these sentiments. The Soviet leadership feared that the dual position of England and France could lead to a clash between the USSR and Germany, while they would remain on the sidelines. In addition, Japan's aggressive policy in the Far East had a great influence on Soviet foreign policy in Europe. Since the summer of 1938, military provocations have been undertaken Japanese troops on the Soviet border (the largest of them occurred in August 1938 near Lake Khasan). In the summer of 1939, Japan actually begins a war against Mongolia, in which they intervene Soviet troops. Military operations in the area of the Khalkhin Gol River, which lasted until the end of August 1939 and ended with the defeat of the Japanese group, showed at the same time that the Far Eastern threat to the USSR was very real. The replacement of M. Litvinov, a supporter of an alliance with England and France, with V.M. had a great influence on the change in the foreign policy course of the Soviet Union. Molotov, who had a pro-German foreign policy orientation. In a difficult situation characterized by an increasing military threat, the Soviet leadership accepted Germany's proposal to conclude a non-aggression pact. In an atmosphere of complete secrecy, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Nazi Germany arrived in Moscow in August 1939. I. Ribbentrop On August 23, 1939, after short negotiations, a non-aggression pact was concluded between the USSR and Germany. Simultaneously with the non-aggression pact, the so-called a “secret protocol” that defined the “areas of interest” of both sides in Europe. It defined the boundaries of Germany's advance to the East. The sphere of Soviet interests included the Baltic states, Western Ukraine and Belarus, Bessarabia (Moldova) and Finland. Thus, the USSR, by concluding this agreement, sought to solve two problems: on the one hand, at least temporarily eliminate the threat of a major war; and on the other hand, to achieve the expansion of Soviet influence in Eastern Europe. This compromise agreement, which is certainly temporary, was initially beneficial to both parties.
After Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939, the Soviet Union began to seize the territories “assigned” to it under secret agreements. On September 17, 1939, Soviet troops entered the territory of Western Ukraine and Belarus, belonging to Poland. On September 28, an agreement “On Friendship and Borders” was signed with Germany, which once again clarified the spheres of influence of both sides. Based on these agreements, I. Stalin demanded from Baltic states concluding agreements on “mutual assistance” and placing Soviet military bases on their territories. In the autumn of 1939, the governments of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia were forced to agree to these demands. The following year, Soviet troops were introduced into the territory of these countries (ostensibly to ensure “security”), and then Soviet power was established. The Baltic states are part of the USSR. At the same time, Bessarabia, occupied by Romania since 1918, was returned. However, in the issue with Finland, the USSR encountered decisive opposition. Finland refused to sign a similar agreement “on mutual assistance” and did not agree to the exchange of territories proposed by the Soviet side. As a result of this, war began between the USSR and Finland on November 30, 1939. Despite its multiple superiority in strength, the Red Army for a long time could not break the resistance of the Finns. Only in February 1940, at the cost of heavy losses, was she able to break through defensive line Mannerheim and enter the operational space. On March 12, 1940, an agreement was signed that satisfied all territorial claims of the USSR. However, thanks to this war, the Soviet Union, as an aggressor, was expelled from the League of Nations and found itself in international isolation. The leaders of European states, including the leadership of Nazi Germany, became convinced that the combat effectiveness of the Red Army was at a very low level. The subsequent period (1940 - early 1941) is characterized, on the one hand, by the desire of the Soviet leadership to delay the clash with Germany (which then seemed inevitable to many), and on the other, by the build-up of the military-economic potential of the USSR. Despite all the successes achieved in this area, by the summer of 1941 the Soviet Union was not ready for a major war with Germany. Fearing provocations, etc. Stalin did not believe in the possibility of war even when it had already become obvious.
Conclusion
By the end of the 30s. XX century In the Soviet Union, a totalitarian regime was finally established - a political system in which there is complete control and strict regulation by the state of all spheres of society and the life of every person, ensured mainly by force, including the means of armed violence.
The main factors that contributed to the formation of the totalitarian regime in the USSR can be identified as economic, political and sociocultural.
The Stalinist totalitarian regime is distinguished by the following features. The planned economy, based on the dominance of the state form of ownership, was controlled by a huge apparatus of officials - from the People's Commissar to the production foreman. Industry developed extensively, that is, through the development of new resources with the help of cheap labor and the construction of new enterprises. The figures for the implementation of five-year plans were consistent only in ceremonial reports. Labor productivity growth on average was extremely low. The exception was heavy industry. Agriculture never recovered from the crisis caused by forced collectivization, and the plight of collective farmers led to migration to the cities.
The political system was based on the personal dictatorship of J.V. Stalin, who ruled the country with the help of the CPSU(b) obedient and extensive apparatus - from the Politburo to the secretary of the district committee. The councils, formally elected, turned into a silent appendage of party structures. The NKVD was also under the personal control of Stalin. Any opposition in the party (not to mention a multi-party system) was excluded and brutally persecuted by punitive authorities.
The population was covered by a whole network of public organizations: trade unions, Komsomol, Pioneer and October organizations, etc. The pyramid of power was cemented with the cement of terror. In the cultural sphere, along with an increase in quantitative indicators - the number of schools, universities, cultural centers - the party ideology - Marxism-Leninism - dominated. In order to spread party control over spiritual life from the early 30s. “creative” unions of writers, artists, filmmakers, etc. began to be created. Officials of these unions strictly monitored the compliance of spiritual products with party instructions and the canons of “socialist realism.” Apostates were subjected to reprisals. This system existed without major changes until the death of I.V. Stalin (March 5, 1953).
Thus, the temporary compromise with Germany, achieved by breaking the entire foreign policy line of the Soviet Union in the 1930s, was not used effectively enough. In an effort to solve their foreign policy problems, the Soviet leadership under the conditions of a totalitarian dictatorship did not allow a democratic mechanism for forming decisions or discussing alternative options. This system did not make it possible to effectively manage the military potential accumulated with great difficulty and brought the country and people to the brink of death.
List of sources and literature used
Sources:
* Russia XX century: Documents and materials / Ed. A. B. Bezborodova. M., 2004. - 519 p.
* Constitution of the USSR, adopted on December 5, 1936 // http://ru. wikisource. org/wiki/Constitution_USSR_(1936)_edition_5.12.1936_g.
Literature:
* Barsenkov A. S., Vdovin A. I., Voronkova S. V. History of Russia in the 20th - early 21st centuries. M.: Eksmo, 2006. - 960 p.
* Velidov A.S. On the path to terror // Questions of history. - 2002. - No. 6. P. 87-118.
* Vasilyeva O. Yu. State-church relations of the Soviet period: periodization and content // Orthodoxy and Islam in Russia in the 20th century. M., 2003.
* History of Russia: textbook / A. S. Orlov, V. A. Georgiev, N. G. Georgieva, T. A. Sivokhina. M.: Prospekt, 2006. - 528 p.
* Pavlova I.V. Power and society in the USSR in the 1930s // Questions of history. 2001. No. 10. P. 46-57.
* Ratkovsky I. S., Khodyakov M. V. History Soviet Russia. St. Petersburg: Lan Publishing House, 2001. - 416 p.
* Semykina T.V. Political regimes. M.: Prior, 2004.
* Soviet society: emergence, development, historical finale / Under the general editorship. acad. Yu. N. Afanasyeva. M.: Prospekt, 2000. - 510 p.
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board
democratic
undemocratic Undemocratic
fascism
authoritarian
totalitarian
dictatorship
tyranny
What is fascism?
Fascism (from Italian “bundle”, “bundle”)- a reactionary political movement that arose in
several countries after the First World War.
How do the concepts relate?
"fascism" and "totalitarianism"?
Fascism is a form of totalitarianism.
What is totalitarianism?
Totalitarianism (from the Latin “whole”, “complete”) is an anti-democratic regime in whichestablished full state control over
human, all manifestations have been eliminated
civil society, there is no opposition,
parliamentary democracy.
What are the characteristic features of totalitarianism?
1. Establishment of a one-party system.2. Destruction of the opposition within the ruling party.
3. Merging of the party and state apparatus.
4. Elimination of the system of separation of powers.
5. Destruction of civil liberties.
6. Construction of a system of all-encompassing mass
public organizations.
7. Unification (bringing to uniformity) the entire social
life.
8. Authoritarian way of thinking.
9. Cult of the national leader.
10. Mass repression. Match the concepts and terms:
Term
Concept
Racism
at the cost of a new aggravation.
Chauvinism
national enmity.
Revanchism
Policy of Commitment to Military Superiority
any nation.
Nationalism
Fascism
Check if you have matched the concepts correctly!
Term
Concept
Racism
A belief system that highlights “natural
division" of peoples into lower and higher
Chauvinism
Policy of Commitment to Military Superiority
any nation.
Revanchism
Victim force policy military or political
defeat and trying to regain dominance
at the cost of a new aggravation.
Nationalism
This is an ideology, a policy of subjugation of some nations
to others, preaching national exclusivity,
national enmity.
Fascism
Terrorist dictatorship of one dominant
party whose activities are aimed at
destruction of democracy and outbreak of war.
What are the reasons for the Nazis coming to power?
1. Social, economic and political crisis.2. Failure of governments to take the country out of
crisis, the craving of the masses for a “strong hand”.
3. Support for the fascists from large
entrepreneurs.
4. Weakness of anti-fascist forces, democratic
institutions; working class split.
5. Changing the tactics of the party itself, its active struggle
for the masses, attention to parliamentary forms
activities.
10. Symbol of fascism
11. Symbol of fascism
1.Symbols of the Third Reich.2. Magical ornament of the ancient Germans
3. 1910 is the symbol of all anti-Simite organizations.
4. March 10-13, 1920 used as
political sign.
5. 1923 The swastika becomes the official emblem
Hitler's NSDAP party.
6. 1935 the main emblem of Hitler's Germany,
included in the coat of arms and flag.
12. Characteristics of Adolf Hitler
13. Characteristics of Benito Mussolini
*Message from 9B class student Sevel Gadzhieva.pptx14. Working with a dictionary
"March on Rome" - a fascist movementthugs in 1922 from Naples to Rome with
for the purpose of establishing control over
municipality.
"Night of the Long Knives" - bloody massacre
fascists over a group of old Nazis,
requiring the fulfillment of promises, committed on July 13, 1934.
"Kristallnacht" - All-German Jewish
pogrom on the night of November 9-10, 1938
"Third Reich" (Third Empire) - official
Nazi name for the regime that existed in
Germany from January 1933 to May 1945
15. Comparative characteristics of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany. General and special.
*Report Totalitarian regimes.pptx16. Comparative characteristics of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany
QuestionsFor
comparisons
Italy
Germany
Leader
fascists
B. Mussolini
A. Hitler
Year of creation
parties
1919
1919. Munich.
Year
1922 – coalition 1926 –
single-party formations in Italy
I
was considered the head of state
governments
King Victor Emmanuel III
1933
17. Comparative characteristics of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany
QuestionsFor
comparisons
Italy
Political Cancellation of Elections,
The parliament system has been turned into
advisory body
Dictatorship of B. Mussolini
Ban on opposition
parties
Germany
Tight concentration
power, principle
"Fuhrerism", strengthening
repressive apparatus
total control over
all government
structures
ban on opposition
political parties,
control over the press
One party system
18. Comparative characteristics of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany
QuestionsItaly
Economy Control over the economy
(industry sectors,
trade) through corporations.
Action vertical
corporate systems in four
industries: industry,
agriculture, trade,
finance
Militarization of the economy
Monopolization of banking
systems
Autarky - the creation of a closed
farms within a separate
capitalist country
Germany
Government regulation
(Supreme governing body
Economics – General Council
German economy; state military
orders; control of production and sales in
agriculture). Were accepted
laws allowing for confiscation or
property restriction
Combination of private and public
property
Militarization of the economy
Planning (dictation of nomenclature
manufactured products, prices for them,
salary size and number of employees,
procedure for using profits)
Autarky
19. Comparative characteristics of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany
QuestionsItaly
Germany
Social
policy
Corporations regulated
social relations
Easing unemployment
Church
Regulating relations with any opposition among believers
Vatican.
was suppressed
1929 – agreements were
signed between Pius XI and
Mussolini,
providing
state sovereignty
Vatican City
Ideology
Great power
revanchism
Racism: the elite of the white race are Aryans and
nationalism revanchism
Anti-Semitism Anti-humanism
Cult of War Populism
20. Comparative characteristics of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany
QuestionsItaly
Germany
External
policy
conflict with Yugoslavia
border issues
935-1936 – capture
Ethiopia; decor
German-Italian
union
1937 – joining
German-Japanese
Anti-Comintern
pact. Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis
1939 – invasion of
Albania help
to the fascists in Spain
1933-1935 - the fight to abolish all
restrictions on rearmament
countries recorded at Versailles
agreement
1936-1939 – transition to direct
acts of aggression in Europe
1938 - Anschluss of Austria
1939 – capture Sudetenland And
all of Czechoslovakia; help
to the fascists in Spain
21. Features of Francoism
The fascist movement in Spain is notgained a massive social base.
The regime is imposed from the outside.
The church retained great influence.
Franco's regime never tried
establish tight control over
economics.
Franco avoided officially entering the war.
Throughout the years of Franco's dictatorship, Spain remained
monarchy.
22. Which of the totalitarian regimes: fascist in Italy or Nazi in Germany seems more totalitarian to you?
least?The Nazi regime in Germany appears
totalitarian to a more complete extent, because in Italy
King Victor was considered the head of state
Emmanuel III, i.e. the monarchy was preserved
The Vatican had a certain influence in the country, the south
Italy was controlled by the mafia.
23. Fascism in Germany
24. Hitler and Mussolini (1939)
25.
26.
27.
28. Slavic children in a special concentration camp before being sent to Germany
Slavic children in a special concentration campbefore shipping to Germany
29.
30.
31.
32.
Victims of fascism(German concentration camp)
33. Fascism in Italy
34. Under Mussolini, there was a powerful fascist youth organization in Italy
Under Mussolini in Italy there waspowerful fascist youth
organization
35. Benito Mussolini. The life and death of the author of the term "fascism"
Benito Mussolini. Life and deathauthor of the term "fascism"
36.
37. The people of Spain wanted order and peace
They wanted order and peaceresidents of Spain
38. Franco in the city of Vigo in northern Spain
Franco in the city of Vigo onnorthern Spain
39. Spanish Civil War
40.
ConclusionSo, in the 20-30s. come to power in European countries
fascists who subsequently committed atrocities,
amazing imagination. These atrocities cannot be justified
whatever theories, concepts, references to
objective course of historical development, on features
mass psychology of the Germans, etc. Moral assessment
fascism is clear, but it does not free us from
the need to understand what made these crimes
possible.
41.
It is necessary to remind about neo-fascists inmodern stage. Each of us is free to choose
his own way, but to a thinking person, thinking,
educated is not on the same path as the Nazis.
42. Neo-fascism today - Myth or reality?
43. Neo-fascism
- term,used to denote
a number of right-wing radical
organizations and movements,
which in ideological and political terms
inherit fascist
organizations of the 1920-1940s
years, dissolved
after the Second World War.
Neo-fascists show
penchant for
political extremism,
use terrorist
forms of activity
Neo-fascism
44. Distinctive features:
extreme nationalism and chauvinism, right-wing populism,orientation towards corporatist models of public
devices, anti-communism, criticism from the far right
positions of parliamentarism and financial capital,
use of violent, terrorist
methods of political struggle.
hostile to humanism,
cultivates irrationalism, preaches
the cult of strength as a universal method
solving public problems.
Political campaigning is carried out in
demonstratively aggressive, energetic and
offensive manner.
45. Distinctive features:
symbols and attributes are usedhistorical fascism (black and black-red color tones, fascia,
modified swastikas, etc.)
close ties with criminals.
Social concepts are maintained in
in line with right-wing radical solidarity,
in accordance with the interests
international organized crime.
46. Varieties of neo-fascism at the present stage
"Modernist" ("revisionist")neo-fascism
Anti-communism remains an important element
neo-fascist ideology.
Xenophobia, aggressive nationalism,
racist-Nazi ideas about the right to
special situation for one national (Russian) or ethnic
groups (Slavs) occupy the main place in
views of the Russian ultra-right.
traditionalist fascism.
47.
48. In Estonia and Latvia, neo-fascists are under the protection of the authorities
In Estonia, the non-profit organization La Coloniapublished a book by Adolf Hitler's friend Dietrich
Eckart "Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin.
Dialogue between Adolf Hitler and me"
The NGO La Colonia is led by Finnish National Socialist Risto Teinonen. This is not his first
publication glorifying Hitler. Created
also im NGO" New Europe" some years
reprints of books were published back
"Adolf Hitler - Liberator" and "Adolf Hitler
and children"
49.
50. Estonia spits on Europe and goes crazy... rewarding the SS men!
Estonia spits on Europe and leavescrazy... rewarding the SS men!
"Extremism" -
commitment to extremes
views and measures (usually in
politics).
56.
Is there a modernRussian extremism?
What extreme views
and measures are proposed
modern
extremists?
Do we have in our country
xenophobia?
Who is it aimed at?
modern hatred
xenophobes in Russia?
57.
For people who survived the nightmare of fascism, thisseems savage: swastikas on the streets
Russian cities thrown into
fascist salute, hands distorted
evil face...
58.
Skinheads appeared in Russia in the early 90s. According tolaw enforcement officers, now there are tens of thousands of them... Groups
Skinheads have their own charter, traditions, and attributes. They also have
its own press, its own websites on the Internet. Skinhead music
considered to be the “oops!” style, synthesized from punk, thrash and ska.
Most skinheads rely on the ideas of Hitler, but for
For some, the main thing is Russia, for others - Zenit, for others -
own "I". Some consider themselves Slavic pagans,
others defend Orthodoxy, although few of them read the Bible
read. Most skinheads are nationalists. They are not
chauvinists, do not elevate their people above all whites
peoples in general, but feel pride, a feeling
belonging to a certain people, are interested in
customs and traditions of their country and ethnic group. Almost all
"right" skins love their race, nation and Motherland, and patriotism
- is not an empty phrase for them.
59.
For a long time, law enforcement agenciesRussia denied the existence of Russians
skinheads. But the increased activity
skinheads, international scandals,
associated with the death of foreigners forced
Ministry of Internal Affairs to admit that in Russia there are
fascist youth groups.
Law enforcement officials declared war
extremism and fascism.
