Most of population, trained by decades of Stalin's rule, was ready to sacrifice itself following the example of the builders Egyptian pyramids. However, there were people in those days who, having remembered the “friend of all children” and the “father of nations,” - after taking a sip of vodka and eating a cucumber with sauerkraut - decided that now their time had come.
The first version of the post-Stalin upgrade
Beria-Malenkov-Khrushchev and Bulganin who joined them became the first version of the upgrade of political and social system post-Stalin era.
Few people remember now, but after Stalin, the convenient comrade Malenkov took over the country, put there through the efforts of Beria. During Stalin's lifetime, Comrade Malenkov was what is now commonly called a speechwriter - in addition to the official post he held. Most of Stalin's reports in the late forties and early fifties were written by Georgy Malenkov.
It seemed to Beria and Malenkov that in order to strengthen themselves in power and not allow themselves to be devoured by the rest of the Kremlin gray wolves, you need to crush everything government agencies and, most importantly, the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. They treated the party structures with short-sighted recklessness.
It was Malenkov who took the post of Chairman, and the portfolios were divided between the “comrades-in-arms” who supported him and Beria. Comrade N.S. Khrushchev did not get a government position. He was placed in an insignificant - according to the high nomenklatura criteria of that time - almost nominal post of Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.
Checkmate of Nikita Khrushchev
It took Nikita Khrushchev a little less than two years to dislodge his rivals in an unusually calm manner, with the help of behind-the-scenes party games and sometimes very risky steps. And not just to displace, but to intercept and safely appropriate their almost democratic undertakings.
Thus, it was Beria who carried out a number of major industrial enterprises from the Gulag system to departmental ministries, began the process of mitigating and stopping the already launched flywheel of new repressions (the doctors’ case, etc.), implemented an amnesty and carried out the rehabilitation of several tens of hundreds of prisoners - this was a drop in the Gulag ocean, and it almost did not concern political prisoners, but it was then that hope for change arose among many thousands of innocently convicted people.
In a matter of months, he began to turn from a fiend into one of the most “liberal” reformers, but they did not hate him any less. Especially all the Kremlin assessors, since it was he who had all the strings connecting each of them and their associates with the repressions of the 30-50s.
Malenkov was the author of the idea of debunking the cult of personality, reforming agriculture, liberating collective farmers from socialist slavery and priority light industry over heavy. He was generally a supporter of the ideas of the NEP.
Khrushchev, with two preventive strikes - first against Beria, and then against Malenkov - got rid of rivals who were superior to him in intelligence, but not in ambition.
It was Malenkov’s attempt to expand the governance of the country from the Stalinist model to the Leninist - collegial - when he heads the government and at the same time directs the activities of the highest bodies of the party, which played a cruel joke on him, since collegiality is possible only under democracy, and not under authoritarian totalitarianism.
At one of the meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee, to which Malenkov came a little late, his place was taken by Khrushchev. To the interrogative remark - “we decided to return to the tradition of Lenin and I should preside as the head of the government,” - Khrushchev answered him dismissively: “What are you, Lenin?” It was from this moment that the star of the weak-willed and executive Malenkov finally fell from the Kremlin horizon.
Of course, Nikita Sergeevich did not decide on such an extravagant step out of the blue. Somewhat earlier, Malenkov’s patron Beria was appointed “an agent of international imperialism,” convicted, and executed. It was on him, and not on Stalin, whom Khrushchev was afraid of even after his death, that to a greater extent blamed for the repression - as a conspiracy against Soviet people. Accusations of involvement in repressions became a convenient mechanism for Khrushchev to remove all dangerous and unwanted rivals, who had to repent and then resign. This is exactly how Khrushchev removed almost everyone who had been especially close to Stalin for many years: Molotov, Kaganovich, Mikoyan and others. Why none of them tried to “bring” Khrushchev himself to the same responsibility, because his zeal in this matter was no secret to anyone - this is a question for psychoanalysts.
Khrushchev personally took advantage of Malenkov’s ideas to great benefit for himself, but mainly only in terms of debunking the cult of personality. His understanding of the economy and his surprisingly voluntaristic handling of it, ultimately, after the rapid rise prepared by Malenkov, led to an equally rapid decline, right up to the shooting of a rally in Novocherkassk in 1962. Thus, the country finally put an end to the consistently progressive economic reforms that were planned, but had not had time to begin.
Zugzwang for Khrushchev
Over five years, successively, Khrushchev eliminated all of his numerous competitors, each of whom, after Stalin’s death, could lay claim to the first role in the state: from Beria to Zhukov, who had been helping him all this time.
In March 1958, the formation of a new government began in the USSR. As a result, Khrushchev achieved his appointment to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers. At the same time, he retained the position of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. In fact, this meant a complete victory for Khrushchev. The struggle for power after Stalin was over.
One thing Comrade Khrushchev could not take into account was that he was not the only one who knew how to weave conspiracies behind the Kremlin walls. Having eliminated from the path everyone who, like him, was a direct witness to Stalin’s death, leaving not only enemies around him, but also, if not friends, then comrades-in-arms, the last of whom was exile Zhukov, he became the victim of an absolutely identical conspiracy against him , organized by Shelepin-Semichastny-Brezhnev and Suslov and Podgorny who joined them, who were tired of Khrushchev’s poorly educated and unpredictably restless from one extreme to another, initiative idiocy.
Stalin's death on March 5, 1953 contributed to the beginning of a struggle for power within the CPSU party. This struggle continued until 1958.
The struggle for power after Stalin at the initial stage it was fought between Melenkov and Beria. Both of them spoke out in favor of the fact that the functions of power should be transferred from the hands of the CPSU to the state. The struggle for power after Stalin between these two people lasted only until June 1953, but it was during this short historical period that the first wave of criticism of Stalin’s personality cult occurred. For members of the CPSU, the coming to power of Beria or Malenkov meant a weakening of the party’s role in governing the country, since this point was actively promoted by both Beria and Malenkov. It was for this reason that Khrushchev, who at that time headed the Central Committee of the CPSU, began to look for ways to remove from power, first of all, Beria, who he saw as the most dangerous opponent. Members of the CPSU Central Committee supported Khrushchev in this decision. As a result, on June 26, Beria was arrested. It happened on next meeting Council of Ministers. Soon Beria was declared an enemy of the people and an opponent of the Communist Party. The inevitable punishment followed - execution.
The struggle for power after Stalin continued into the second stage (summer 1953 - February 1955). Khrushchev, who had removed Beria from his path, now became Malenkov's main political rival. In September 1953, the Congress of the CPSU Central Committee approved Khrushchev as General Secretary of the party. The problem was that Khrushchev did not hold any government positions. At this stage of the struggle for power, Khrushchev secured the support of the majority in the party. As a result, Khrushchev’s position in the country became noticeably stronger, while Malenkov lost ground. This was largely due to the events of December 1954. At this time, Khrushchev organized a trial against the leaders of the MGB, who were accused of forging documents under “ Leningrad cause" Malenkov was severely compromised as a result of this process. As a result of this process, Bulganin removed Malenkov from the post he held (head of government).
The third stage, in which struggle for power after Stalin,began in February 1955 and continued until March 1958. At this stage, Malenkov united with Molotov and Kaganovich. The united “opposition” decided to take advantage of the fact that they had a majority in the party. At the next congress, which took place in the summer of 1957, the post of first secretary of the party was eliminated. Khrushchev was appointed Minister of Agriculture. As a result, Khrushchev demanded the convening of the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, since, according to the party charter, only this body could make such decisions. Khrushchev, taking advantage of the fact that he was the party secretary, personally selected the composition of the Plenum. The overwhelming majority of people who supported Khrushchev turned out to be there. As a result, Molotov, Kaganovich and Malenkov were dismissed. This decision was made by the Plenum of the Central Committee, arguing that all three were engaged in anti-party activities.
The struggle for power after Stalin was actually won by Khrushchev. The party secretary understood how important the post of chairman of the council of ministers was in the state. Khrushchev did everything to take this post, since Bulganin, who held this position, openly supported Malenkov in 1957. In March 1958, the formation of a new government began in the USSR. As a result, Khrushchev achieved his appointment to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers. At the same time, he retained the position of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. In fact, this meant Khrushchev's victory. The struggle for power after Stalin was over.
Many party “heavyweights” competed for the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. But in 1985, at the March plenum of the party leadership, the name Gorbachev was given to those gathered. Why did strong opponents give in to the young nominee?
Who could lead the country instead of Gorbachev?
Magazine: Secrets of the USSR No. 1/C, April 2017
Category: Secrets of the Kremlin
Failed Leader
A peer of Brezhnev, a member of the Politburo since 1962, Andrei Kirilenko, who was responsible for Soviet industry in the Central Committee, was considered even abroad one of the strongest “Kremlin elders”, and was seriously considered as the successor to the Secretary General in the mid-1970s in the power circles of the USSR and in the Central Committee. While congratulating Leonid Brezhnev on his 70th birthday, he said the phrase that spread around the world that “70 years for a political leader is average age" He spoke extremely negatively about Mikhail Gorbachev and opposed his rise. Over time, I probably would have dealt with Gorbachev, but suddenly... Luckily for the first secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee, he fell seriously ill. Kirilenko fell into a sclerotic state. I stopped recognizing my acquaintances and losing the thread of the conversation. In March 1981, speaking at the XXVI Congress of the CPSU with a proposal for a new composition of the Central Committee, he managed to pronounce many names incorrectly (the hall first froze, and then had difficulty holding back laughter). However, Leonid Brezhnev retained his old comrade in the Politburo. He was sent into retirement 12 days after Brezhnev’s death. Having died in 1990, Andrei Kirilenko bequeathed his entire fortune Communist Party.
No noticeable success
It should be noted that before the death of Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, the attitude towards Gorbachev among his party colleagues was extremely ambiguous, because this leader did not become famous for any special successes. And in the Central Committee of the CPSU, of which Mikhail Sergeevich became secretary in November 1978, he was at the “penalty post” responsible for Agriculture.
Someone will object, saying, then he had no real power, what could he do? However, oh business qualities Gorbachev the leader became well known later.
On his initiative, a Food Program was adopted, which promised that in 5 years the country would completely provide itself with agricultural products, but it never worked.
The anti-alcohol campaign was carried out absolutely ineptly, which as a result led to an increase in drug addiction and the production of counterfeit alcohol.
In area domestic policy Gorbachev managed to ensure that the republics of the USSR quarreled among themselves.
The country was literally overwhelmed by crime, and a racketeering system, previously unknown to anyone in the Soviet Union, arose and quickly developed.
Ultimately, weak governance and economic chaos led to the fact that the USSR ceased to exist.
That is, we can judge Mikhail Gorbachev’s merits as head of state quite objectively - by and large, he has nothing to be proud of.
Gorbachev’s only trump card back in 1985, compared to many other members of the Politburo, was his relative “youth” - in 1985, Mikhail Sergeevich turned 54 years old.
When hopes are dashed
A few months before his death, at the end of 1983, Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov entrusted Gorbachev to speak in his place at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, since he himself was, in the full sense of the word, chained to a medical device - an “artificial kidney.” The fact is that the former chief security officer of the country knew Mikhail Sergeevich well for a long time and sympathized with him (and Gorbachev, while still working as the first secretary of the Stavropol regional committee of the CPSU, informed Andropov how vacationers behaved on Mineralnye Vody holidaymakers from the highest echelon of power). For the party elite, such an order became a sign: the dying secretary general points to his successor.
This, of course, did not please the second man in the party, Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, with whom Andropov had a rather tense relationship. In fact, many historians are convinced that such a move by Andropov was aimed not so much at the elevation of Gorbachev, but at the humiliation of Chernenko.
It is known that the dying Andropov sent a parting letter to the Politburo, where, in particular, he asked that Gorbachev continue to chair the meetings of the Politburo and the Secretariat. But the note was immediately passed on to Chernenko. Konstantin Ustinovich acted as he saw fit: he announced all the other points at the Politburo meeting - except for the one that concerned Gorbachev.
Mikhail Sergeevich immediately went to the hospital to complain to Andropov. The Secretary General was outraged, called his comrades with a demand to urgently convene the next meeting of the Politburo - but a few days later he passed away.
Many years of experience in Kremlin intrigues helped Chernenko weaken Gorbachev’s pressure. But this defeat taught Mikhail Sergeevich a lot.
Devotion is not forgotten
The very next day after Andropov’s death, on February 10, 1984, an extraordinary meeting of the Politburo took place, which was, in fact, formal. Who would get the post of General Secretary was determined before the meeting by the four most authoritative party leaders: Secretary of the Central Committee Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, Minister of Defense Dmitry Fedorovich Ustinov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Nikolai Aleksandrovich Tikhonov, as well as his first deputy and Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrei Andreevich Gromyko.
At preliminary negotiations, Gromyko nominated himself for a high post. Ustinov had previously met with Gorbachev - and he invited him to become Secretary General, promising the support of all young members of the Central Committee. Dmitry Fedorovich refused, citing age and illness. But he also did not want to allow Gromyko to power. As a result, on Ustinov’s initiative, the Big Four recommended Chernenko as Secretary General, whose candidacy everyone was happy with.
However, Ustinov did not forget Gorbachev’s devotion. At his suggestion, it was Mikhail Sergeevich who continued to chair Politburo meetings when the Secretary General was in the hospital - that is, quite often.
You - for me, I - for you
In December 1984, Gorbachev’s patron, the USSR Minister of Defense, Marshal, died of pneumonia Soviet Union Ustinov. This allowed other candidates for the post of Secretary General to make themselves known. Before Chernenko’s death in March 1985, there were three of these in the Politburo: the already mentioned Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Grigory Vasilyevich Romanov and First Secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee Viktor Vasilyevich Grishin.
Former Chairman KGB Vladimir Aleksandrovich Kryuchkov in his book of memoirs talks about a conversation with Gromyko, when he admitted that after Chernenko’s death he received an offer from several members of the Politburo to take the post Secretary General- but refused. But numerous memories of participants in the events tell a different story. Namely, about the conspiracy between Gromyko and Gorbachev. Mikhail Sergeevich managed to bribe an experienced politician with a promise to make him Chairman of the Presidium Supreme Council USSR - that is, the formal head of the Soviet state. For this, at a meeting of the Politburo, it was the authoritative Gromyko who proposed electing Gorbachev as secretary general.
Grishin was supported by almost all the capital's leaders; he was credited with the prosperity of Moscow and successful experience in managerial work. But here Chernenko unwittingly helped Gorbachev: seeing Viktor Vasilyevich as a competitor, he ordered the collection of incriminating evidence against him. The investigation revealed that the party leader is associated with high-profile economic crimes, in particular, with high-profile cases of theft in the Eliseevsky store and Glavmostorg.
Balance of power in the Politburo
GORBACHEV'S OPPONENTS- Nikolai Tikhonov, Viktor Grishin, Grigory Romanov, Dinmukhamed Kunaev, Vladimir ShcherbitskySUPPORTERS OF GORBACHEV- Andrei Gromyko, Mikhail Solomentsev, Vitaly Vorotnikov, Heydar Aliyev, Mikhail Gorbachev
How planes don't take off
The most realistic contender for the coveted post was the former first secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the CPSU, 60-year-old Grigory Vasilyevich Romanov. He was a strong professional and an excellent organizer - that is, he had qualities that Gorbachev could not boast of. The experienced leader Romanov was rightly considered the direct opposite of the future perestroika Gorbachev. In addition, it was Romanov who Chernenko personally favored, always seating him next to him at the Plenums of the Central Committee.
Romanov oversaw the defense industry and enjoyed the support of the military. Judging by the testimony of eyewitnesses to the events, this was indeed a real candidate for the highest post in the country (even among the people there was no quiet talk about this!), in no way inferior to Gorbachev.
His administrative sense failed him. At the end of February 1984, literally a couple of weeks before Chernenko’s death, Romanov went to Lithuania on vacation. Having received the news of the death of the Secretary General, Grigory Vasilyevich decided to immediately fly to Moscow. But the plane's departure was delayed due to bad weather. As a result, Romanov only managed to attend the Politburo meeting directly - unlike Gorbachev, he was unable to conduct any preliminary consultations. Did not have enough time. Another real contender for supreme party power - Gorbachev's main opponent, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine Vladimir Vasilyevich Shcherbitsky - shortly before Chernenko's death (at Gromyko's initiative) was sent on a visit to the United States. It was Shcherbitsky, whom Brezhnev saw as his successor, who could take an irreconcilable position in the Politburo and unite Gorbachev’s opponents around himself. But... the plane on which Shcherbitsky was returning to Moscow was detained at the New York airport under an insignificant pretext, and the Politburo meeting took place without the participation of the dangerous heavyweight internal party struggle. Shcherbitsky received the news of Gorbachev’s election as General Secretary on board the plane.
Got what he deserved
As a result, the historical, as it turned out, meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee took place exactly as Romanov’s competitor, Gorbachev, needed.
It lasted two days. On the first day, March 10, 1985, Romanov immediately asked to speak, proposing Grishin’s candidacy. Gromyko objected to this, saying: “Stop carrying coffins already” (referring to the advanced age of Viktor Vasilyevich, who was 70 years old) and proposed Gorbachev for the high post. Grishin recused himself, but nominated Romanov. As a result of an open vote, Gorbachev won by one vote.
On the second day, March 11, Gromyko returned to the same issue. This time, understanding the balance of forces, Grishin and Romanov spoke in favor of Gorbachev - and his candidacy was approved unanimously.
The Plenum of the Central Committee, held a few days later, also unanimously approved the decision of the Politburo.
And then everyone received what, from Mikhail Sergeevich’s point of view, they deserved. After a short time, Romanov, Tikhonov and Grishin were “taken out of the game.” On July 1, 1985, on the initiative of Gorbachev, who still saw Romanov as a rival, Grigory Vasilyevich was relieved of his duties as a member of the Politburo and secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and sent to retirement. In the fall - September 27, 1985 - Nikolai Aleksandrovich Tikhonov was officially relieved of his duties as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR “for health reasons.” On February 18, 1986, it was Grishin’s turn. The Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee relieved him of his duties as a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee due to his retirement. And Andrei Andreevich Gromyko took the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR - a country that still seemed powerful and united - and held it until October 1, 1988. The fates of the contenders for the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee turned out differently. On February 16, 1990, Vladimir Shcherbitsky died in Kyiv. It was rumored that he died not from pneumonia, as the people were told, but from severe nervous strain (there was even a version put forward that the retired leader of Ukraine shot himself). Indeed, the next day, February 17, Shcherbitsky was supposed to testify in the Supreme Council of the Ukrainian SSR about the accident at Chernobyl nuclear power plant. A dishonorable resignation could have awaited him, but instead he ended up in a grave in a Kiev cemetery. For five months already, Vladimir Shcherbitsky, who had been in retirement, could be accused of hiding truthful information about the tragedy from the people, failing to take appropriate measures to combat radioactive contamination.
After his resignation, Andrei Gromyko worked on his memoirs, the first book of which, entitled “Memorable,” was published in 1988. He died on July 2, 1989 and was buried not on Red Square (although he had the right to do so), but at the Novodevichy cemetery (according to his personal will). Three years later, at Novodevichy they said goodbye to Viktor Grishin, who died right in the Presnensky district social security office, where he came to renew his pension, on May 25, 1992. Nikolai Tikhonov, who died on June 1, 1997, was also buried there.
Grigory Romanov, who died on June 3, 2008, lived the longest. He is the only Muscovite who was not honored Novodevichy Cemetery, and was buried on Kuntsevsky. Before last month Throughout his life, Romanov paid membership fees to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
Pyotr Masherov
In October 1980, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus, Pyotr Masherov, died in a car accident. He did not live two weeks before the Plenum of the Central Committee, at which he was supposed to be approved as chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, instead of Alexei Kosygin, who resigned. Brezhnev considered him a strong business executive, fully worthy of any top position, and the “Andropov wing” saw Brezhnev’s nominee as a successor to the Secretary General (which did not suit them).Vladimir Shcherbitsky
They say that a few days before his death, in October 1982, Brezhnev, during a conversation with the main party personnel officer - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Ivan Kapitonov, said, nodding towards his chair: - Do you see this chair? In a month, Shcherbitsky will sit in it. But Brezhnev did not have time to pass the corresponding decision through the Politburo. At a meeting of the Politburo, a decision was made to convene the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee on November 15, 1982, but Brezhnev died on November 10.Grigory Romanov
In 1976, Brezhnev more than once spoke well of the first secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the CPSU, Grigory Romanov. He considered him the most capable worker in the entire Central Committee. “If he gets some training, he could well take the general’s chair,” the secretary general once said. The retinue quickly notified Andropov's entourage, and... rumors were spread against Romanov that he had arranged the wedding youngest daughter in the Tauride Palace and used the dishes imperial family from the Hermitage (and the guests beat her).Konstantin Katushev
In April 1968, the first secretary of the Gorky Regional Committee of the CPSU, 41-year-old Konstantin Katushev, at the suggestion of Brezhnev, was elected secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. He was “removed from the distance”, taking advantage of Brezhnev’s weakness for orders. In December 1976, in connection with the 70th anniversary of the Secretary General, he was literally hung with awards different countries. But the Vietnamese order did not appear on the chest, although the day before Katushev was in Hanoi. Naturally, a rumor was immediately spread: he did not wrest an order for Brezhnev from the Vietnamese. The result is a link.Yakov Ryabov
Yakov Ryabov, who in November 1976 became Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee - curator of the defense and military-industrial complex, was let down by the fact that in February 1979, during a meeting with members of the bureau of the Nizhny Tagil City Committee of the CPSU, Ryabov, breaking a taboo, touched on Brezhnev’s health. A week later, Brezhnev told him by phone about the need to strengthen the USSR State Planning Committee. And in personal meeting Mikhail Suslov announced his opinion to send Ryabov as first deputy to the Chairman of the State Planning Committee Nikolai Baibakov.I've been wanting to write for a long time. The attitude towards Stalin in our country is largely polar. Some hate him, others praise him. I always liked to look at things soberly and try to understand their essence.
So Stalin was never a dictator. Moreover, he was never the leader of the USSR. Do not rush to hem skeptically. Let's do it simpler though. I will now ask you two questions. If you know the answers to them, you can close this page. What follows will seem uninteresting to you.
1. Who was the leader of the Soviet state after Lenin’s death?
2. When exactly did Stalin become a dictator, at least for a year?
Let's start from afar. In every country there is a position, holding which a person becomes the leader of that state. This is not true everywhere, but exceptions only confirm the rule. And in general, it doesn’t matter what this position is called, president, prime minister, chairman of the Great Khural, or just a leader and beloved leader, the main thing is that it always exists. Due to certain changes in the political formation of a given country, it may also change its name. But one thing remains unchanged: after the person occupying it leaves his place (for one reason or another), another always takes his place, who automatically becomes the next first person of the state.
So now next question- What was the name of this position in the USSR? Secretary General? Are you sure?
Well let's take a look. This means Stalin became the General Secretary of the CPSU (b) in 1922. Lenin was still alive then and even tried to work. But Lenin never was Secretary General. He held only the position of chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. After him, Rykov took this place. Those. what happens that Rykov became the leader of the Soviet state after Lenin? I'm sure some of you haven't even heard of this name. At the same time, Stalin did not yet have any special powers. Moreover, from a purely legal standpoint, the CPSU(b) was at that time just one of the departments in the Comintern, along with parties in other countries. It is clear that the Bolsheviks still gave money for all this, but formally everything was exactly like that. The Comintern was then led by Zinoviev. Maybe he was the first person of the state at that time? It is unlikely that in terms of his influence on the party he was far inferior to, for example, Trotsky.
Then who was the first person and leader then? What follows is even funnier. Do you think Stalin was already a dictator in 1934? I think you will now answer in the affirmative. So this year the post of General Secretary was abolished altogether. Why? Well, like this. Formally, Stalin remained a simple secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. By the way, that’s how he signed all the documents later. And in the party charter there was no position of general secretary at all.
In 1938, the so-called “Stalinist” constitution was adopted. According to her the highest executive body our country was called the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Which was headed by Kalinin. Foreigners called him the "president" of the USSR. You all know very well what power he actually had.
Well, think about it, you say. In Germany, too, there is a decorative president, and the Chancellor rules everything. Yes it's true. But this was the only way it was before and after Hitler. In the summer of 1934, Hitler was elected Fuhrer (leader) of the nation in a referendum. By the way, he received 84.6% of the votes. And only then did he become, in essence, a dictator, i.e. a person with unlimited power. As you yourself understand, Stalin legally did not have such powers at all. And this greatly limits power opportunities.
Well, that's not the main thing, you say. On the contrary, this position was very profitable. He seemed to stand above the fight, was not formally responsible for anything and was an arbiter. Okay, let's move on. On May 6, 1941, he suddenly became Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. On the one hand, this is generally understandable. War is coming soon and we need to have real levers of power. But the point is that during a war, what comes to the fore is military power. And the civilian one becomes just a part military structure, simply put, the rear. And just during the war, the military was led by the same Stalin as Supreme Commander-in-Chief. Well, that's okay. What follows is even funnier. On July 19, 1941, Stalin also became People's Commissar of Defense. This already goes beyond any idea of the dictatorship of one specific person. To make it clearer to you, it is as if CEO(and the owner) of the part-time enterprise also became Commercial Director and head of the supply department. Nonsense.
People's Commissar of Defense during war is a very minor position. For this period, the main power is taken by the General Staff and, in our case, Headquarters Supreme High Command led by the same Stalin. And the People's Commissar of Defense becomes something like a company foreman, who is responsible for supplies, weapons, etc. domestic issues divisions. A very minor position.
This can be somehow understood during the period of hostilities, but Stalin remained People's Commissar until February 1947.
Okay, let's move on. In 1953, Stalin dies. Who became the leader of the USSR after him? What are you saying Khrushchev? Since when has a simple secretary of the Central Committee ruled our entire country?
Formally, it turns out that Malenko. It was he who became the next, after Stalin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers. I saw somewhere here on the net where this was clearly hinted at. But for some reason, no one in our country later considered him to be the leader of the country.
In 1953, the position of party leader was revived. They called her First Secretary. And Khrushchev became one in September 1953. But somehow it’s very unclear. At the very end of what seemed to be a plenum, Malenkov stood up and asked how those gathered thought about electing the First Secretary. The audience answered in the affirmative (by the way characteristic all the transcripts of those years, remarks, comments and other reactions to certain speeches on the presidium are constantly coming from the audience. Even negative ones. People will sleep with their eyes open at such events under Brezhnev. Malenkov proposed voting for Khrushchev. Which is what they did. Somehow this bears little resemblance to the election of the country's first person.
So when did Khrushchev become the de facto leader of the USSR? Well, probably in 1958, when he threw out all the old people and also became Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Those. Can one assume that by essentially holding this position and leading the party, the person began to lead the country?
But here's the problem. Brezhnev, after Khrushev was removed from all posts, became only the First Secretary. Then, in 1966, the position of General Secretary was revived. It seems that it was then that it actually began to mean complete guide country. But again there are rough edges. Brezhnev became the leader of the party after the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Which. as we all know very well, it was generally quite decorative. Why then, in 1977, Leonid Ilyich returned to it again and became both General Secretary and Chairman? Did he lack power?
But Andropov had enough. He became only General Secretary.
And that's actually not all. I took all these facts from Wikipedia. If you go deeper, the devil will break his leg in all these ranks, positions and powers of the highest echelon of power in the years 20-50.
Well, now the most important thing. IN THE USSR supreme authority was collective. And all the main decisions, on one or another significant issues, was adopted by the Politburo (under Stalin it was a little different, but essentially correct). In fact, there was no single leader. There were people (like Stalin) who, for various reasons, were considered first among equals. But not more. We cannot talk about any dictatorship. It never existed in the USSR and could never exist. Stalin simply did not have the legal leverage to make serious decisions on his own. Everything was always accepted collectively. There are many documents on this.
If you think that I came up with all this myself, then you are mistaken. This is the official position of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union represented by the Politburo and the Central Committee of the CPSU.
Don't believe me? Well, let's move on to the documents.
Transcript of the July 1953 plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. Just after Beria's arrest.
From Malenkov’s speech:
First of all, we must openly admit, and we propose to write this down in the decision of the Plenum of the Central Committee, that in our propaganda for last years there was a retreat from the Marxist-Leninist understanding of the question of the role of the individual in history. It is no secret that party propaganda, instead of correctly explaining the role of the Communist Party as a leading force in the construction of communism in our country, strayed into a cult of personality.
But, comrades, this is not just a matter of propaganda. The question of the cult of personality is directly and directly related to the question of collective leadership.
We have no right to hide from you that such an ugly cult of personality has led to peremptory nature of individual decisions and in recent years began to cause serious damage to the leadership of the party and the country.
This must be said in order to resolutely correct the mistakes made in this regard, draw the necessary lessons and in the future ensure in practice collectivity of leadership on the principled basis of Lenin-Stalin teachings.
We must say this so as not to repeat the mistakes associated with lack of collective leadership and with an incorrect understanding of the issue of the cult of personality, for these mistakes, in the absence of Comrade Stalin, will be three times dangerous. (Voices. Correct).
No one dares, cannot, should or wants to claim the role of successor. (Voices. Correct. Applause).
The successor of the great Stalin is a tightly knit, monolithic team of party leaders....
Those. in essence, the question of the cult of personality is not connected with the fact that someone made mistakes there (in in this case Beria, the plenum was dedicated to his arrest), but with the fact that making serious decisions alone is a deviation from the very basis of party democracy as a principle of governing the country.
By the way, from my pioneer childhood I remember such words as Democratic centralism, election from bottom to top. Purely legally, this was the case in the Party. Everyone was always chosen, from the minor secretary of the party cell to the general secretary. Another thing is that under Brezhnev this became largely a fiction. But under Stalin it was exactly like that.
And of course the most important document is ".
At the beginning, Khrushchev says what the report will actually be about:
Due to the fact that not everyone still understands what the cult of personality led to in practice, what enormous damage was caused violation of the principle of collective leadership in the party and the concentration of immense, unlimited power in the hands of one person, the Central Committee of the party considers it necessary to report materials on this issue to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union .
Then he scolds Stalin for a long time for deviations from the principles of collective leadership and attempts to crush everything under his own control.
And at the end he concludes with a policy statement:
Secondly, to consistently and persistently continue the work carried out in recent years Central Committee party work for the strictest observance in all party organizations, from top to bottom, Leninist principles of party leadership and above all the highest principle - collectivity of leadership, to comply with the norms of party life, enshrined in the Charter of our party, to develop criticism and self-criticism.
Third, fully restore Leninist principles Soviet socialist democracy, expressed in the Constitution of the Soviet Union, to fight against the arbitrariness of persons who abuse power. It is necessary to completely correct the violations of revolutionary socialist legality that have accumulated over a long period as a result of the negative consequences of the cult of personality.
And you say dictatorship. The dictatorship of a party, yes, but not of one person. And these are two big differences.
Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR on March 15, 1990 at the III Extraordinary Congress people's deputies THE USSR.
December 25, 1991, in connection with the cessation of the existence of the USSR as public education, M.S. Gorbachev announced his resignation from the post of President and signed a Decree on the transfer of control to strategic nuclear weapons Russian President Yeltsin.
On December 25, after Gorbachev announced his resignation, a red light was lowered in the Kremlin state flag USSR and the flag of the RSFSR was raised. The first and last President of the USSR left the Kremlin forever.
The first president of Russia, then still the RSFSR, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was elected on June 12, 1991 by popular vote. B.N. Yeltsin won in the first round (57.3% of the votes).
In connection with the expiration of the term of office of the President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin and in accordance with the transitional provisions of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, elections for the President of Russia were scheduled for June 16, 1996. This was the only presidential election in Russia where two rounds were required to determine the winner. The elections took place on June 16 - July 3 and were notable for their severity competition between candidates. The main competitors were considered the current President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. According to the election results, B.N. Yeltsin received 40.2 million votes (53.82 percent), significantly ahead of G.A. Zyuganov, who received 30.1 million votes (40.31 percent). 3.6 million Russians (4.82%) voted against both candidates .
December 31, 1999 at 12:00 pm Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin voluntarily ceased to exercise the powers of the President of the Russian Federation and transferred the powers of the President to the Chairman of the Government Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. On April 5, 2000, the first President of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, was awarded pensioner and labor veteran certificates.
December 31, 1999 Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin became acting president of the Russian Federation.
In accordance with the Constitution, the Federation Council of the Russian Federation set the date for holding extraordinary presidential elections March 26, 2000.
On March 26, 2000, 68.74 percent of voters included in the voting lists, or 75,181,071 people, took part in the elections. Vladimir Putin received 39,740,434 votes, which amounted to 52.94 percent, that is, more than half of the votes. On April 5, 2000, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation decided to recognize the presidential elections of the Russian Federation as valid and valid, and to consider Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin elected to the post of President of Russia.
