PRC, economic diplomacy, economic policy, foreign economic relations, economic development.

Tsvyk Anatoly Vladimirovich

China's economic diplomacy: main features// Regional economics and management: electronic Science Magazine . ISSN 1999-2645. — . Article number: 3304. Publication date: 2013-01-27. Access mode: https://site/article/3304/

Tsvyk Anatoly Vladimirovich
Peoples" Friendship University of Russia, Faculty of Humanitarian and social sciences, international relations
[email protected]

Abstract

This article is devoted to the analysis of modern economic diplomacy of China. Notes that one of the most important components of this diplomatic strategy is economic diplomacy since the economic power of China and growing economic dependence on the PRC of not only emerging but also some developed countries facilitates wide use by China of economic leverages for resolution of external political objectives.

PRC, economic diplomacy, economic policy, economic development, international economic relation

Tsvyk Anatoly Vladimirovich

Economic diversity of the PRC: main features. Regional economy and management: electronic scientific journal. . Art. #3304. Date issued: 2013-01-27. Available at: https://site/article/3304/

The new Chinese foreign policy very quickly “fledged” and “took wings.” It was only in mid-March that new leaders were elected in China, a new government of the country was formed - the State Council of the People's Republic of China, and there was a rotation of personnel in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Wang Yi has been appointed the new head of the Chinese Foreign Ministry. Once the Ambassador of the People's Republic of China to Japan, before his current appointment he served as head of the Taiwan Affairs Office and oversaw the situation on the Korean Peninsula. We can say that this appointment outlined the tasks of Chinese diplomacy on the most important and pressing foreign policy problems of China at the moment - the conflict with Japan, the resolution of the “Taiwan issue”, relations with Pyongyang and Washington. However, it is too early to say that practical approaches and the tactics of Chinese diplomacy will undergo changes. However, this has already happened with China's foreign policy strategy. These changes were reinforced by recent visits and speeches by the new head of the PRC, who outlined Beijing's new, globalized vision of the world and China's role in it. Xi Jinping has already made his first tour - in nine days he visited four countries - three African and Russia, and also took part in the BRICS summit in South Africa and now at home he has gathered the leaders of a number of countries for the forum in Boaoyu, which is taking place these days on Hainan Island.

“New internationalism”, “global China” or what they dream about in Beijing

At the end of last year, Xi Jinping formulated his main task: he called it the “great revival of the Chinese nation” and later added that this is the “Chinese dream.” This phrase, obviously chosen as the foundation of the new Chinese ideology, began to be quickly replicated by the party- and state-controlled media. Just as quickly, the “Chinese dream” was projected onto the country’s foreign policy.

As interpreted by Chinese ideologists, the new theory incorporated traditional Chinese ideas about universal human values ​​with an emphasis on the fact that it was in the Chinese tradition that these values ​​found full expression. At the state level, this is the desire for wealth and power, democracy, civilization and harmony. In relation to foreign policy, this means equality of rights for all countries, non-interference in internal affairs, respect and value of all cultures and development models, acceptance of the thesis about the diversity and cultural wealth of various civilizations. Beijing emphasizes that they are not trying to spark a new ideological struggle, but only want to take China’s foreign policy to a new level. The diplomacy of the “new internationalism” (as this policy was called in the People’s Daily newspaper) is, in fact, the embodiment of the desire to pursue “a policy of true virtue that will make China a developed state that enjoys the respect of all mankind.” The “Chinese Dream” formulates a core universal value—“peace everywhere under Heaven,” which is consistent with the ancient Chinese idea of ​​harmonious peace in the Celestial Empire, which is not limited by the borders of China itself, but where China appears to be a kind of center of the world. Some strategists even use the ancient philosophical term “da tun” (the “great unity” of multitudes into a community under a single unity of command, ordered on the basis of hierarchy and harmony). In the Confucian tradition in China, it was represented as a kind of ideal society, absolute prosperity at the highest global level (and in socialist China it is sometimes identified with the building of communism). It is within the framework of this system of values, common to all humanity, that the China of our days will be formed, uniting three principles: traditional china, modern China and, finally, “world China”. In Beijing they are talking about the “reglobalization” of the world - a process in which Western values ​​will not be the only principle for reorganizing the world.

The problem, however, is that Chinese values ​​are poorly known outside of China itself. On the other hand, to universalize them, it will be necessary to discard the part that works outside the conditions of China (just as the United States did when it began exporting its “universal democracy”). Finally, China will have to change itself and start living by the above principles to show others that its values ​​really work - and that seems to be the most important thing.

Nevertheless, new manager The Chinese Foreign Ministry has already confirmed that its department “develops and implements the foreign policy of a great power with Chinese characteristics.” Chinese experts say that the first practical task of the Chinese leadership in foreign policy is to eliminate the bias towards the development of commodity-monetary and trade-economic relations and increase “moral involvement in world affairs” and promote diplomacy through “soft power.”

Xi Jinping prepared very well for his first international tour. He acted in the same way as his predecessor Hu Jintao, who made his first visit after being elected chairman of the People's Republic of China in 2003 to Moscow. To ensure the success of the visit, Beijing involved not only official channels, but also non-governmental relations for the preparation, among other things, of the most important documents signed during the visit - on long-term energy cooperation between China and Russia. Of the 35 endorsed documents, the majority record agreements between commercial entities and relate to Russian natural resources.

The leaders of neighboring countries, however, failed to answer the question at what price Russian gas would be sold to China. But an agreement in principle has been reached that Russian gas will still be sold to China, initially in the amount of 38 billion cubic meters per year, and supply routes have been discussed. By the end of the year they promise to agree on a price - not a fixed one (as China wanted), but calculated according to a certain “formula”, as Gazprom wanted. But even in this case, Russian gas will not go to China until 2018.

More impressive is the package of agreements on oil: Rosneft receives a loan of two billion dollars from Beijing for 25 years, due to which it increases supplies by approximately 15 million tons, that is, it doubles (compared to today’s) volumes. It was decided to increase mutual trade turnover to $100 billion by 2015 and then double it in another five years, with “diversification of the structure of trade exchange.”

The parties confirmed their relations of “comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction” with a declaration on their “deepening.” It states that Moscow and Beijing call for building “a more just, democratic and harmonious world order,” and in the last paragraph the parties even agreed on “conceptual guidelines - peaceful coexistence and the desire for unity while maintaining differences.” The Chinese leader did not talk about the “Chinese dream” in Moscow; on the contrary, he said that Russia itself had chosen its own path. But Anatoly Torkunov, rector of MGIMO, where the Chinese leader spoke to students, assured that Russia supports the implementation of the “Chinese dream.” It is also interesting that the Chinese leader agreed to build a museum in Pervomaisky, near Moscow, dedicated to the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of China, which took place here in 1929.

In Africa, Xi Jinping behaved somewhat differently. As Gong Li, deputy head of the Research Institute of International Strategy of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee, said, “Africa is the main supporting force of Chinese diplomacy.” We can add to his words: Africa is a kind of testing ground where China tests its foreign policy strategies, including global ones. Thus, Xi Jinping dedicated his speech in the Parliament of Tanzania to the vision of Chinese-African interaction and spoke more about Africa as a kind of community with which China has a trade turnover of $200 billion (which has increased 10 times over 10 years). Xi Jinping, on behalf of the Chinese government, promised to reduce the import rate to zero by 2015 customs duty 97% of goods are from African countries that maintain diplomatic relations with China. He also promised Africa another $20 billion in loans in addition to the $15 billion in direct investment already invested in the region. Xi Jinping called on African leaders for closer integration within the African Union, which would enable them to confront the challenges of our time. He explained to them the essence of the "Chinese Dream" and said that it coincided with their own "African Dream" - "rebirth through unity and development." China will support African countries' efforts to find their own development model. He also spoke of a “global dream” aimed at ensuring “lasting peace and shared prosperity.”

DIPLOMACY OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Traditional Chinese Diplomacy

Understanding the modern foreign policy mechanism of the PRC, as well as the Chinese people’s understanding of their place in today’s world, is impossible without a retrospective analysis of the history of China’s international politics. The fact is that the civilizational characteristics of China left an imprint on its relations with distant and near neighbors, which differed from the practice of relations between “nation-states” in Europe.

Chinese diplomacy boasts rich historical traditions that go back thousands of years. The art of diplomacy in China originated much earlier than in European countries (the diplomacy of ancient Rome, Greece, Egypt and a number of other countries is not included here). Among the characters in Chinese history, diplomats have traditionally occupied no less an honorable place than heroic commanders or outstanding figures of ancient Chinese culture. In the history of Chinese political thought, diplomacy was considered as part of the political culture of society, as one of the most important weapons for protecting the interests of the state.

One of the tenets of Chinese diplomacy, “using antiquity for modernity,” did not arise by chance. While “nationalism” in its European forms is based on the uniqueness and unconditional value of one’s own national cultures, Chinese “nationalism” is based on confidence in the cultural superiority and universal applicability of China’s traditional values. The superiority of the Chinese nation and Chinese culture over other peoples and cultures formed the basis of the Sinocentric dogma of the foreign policy of the Chinese empires.

The period of formation of the ideological and theoretical foundations of traditional Chinese diplomacy dates back to ancient times: the 8th-3rd centuries. BC. With the creation of a unified empire two and a half thousand years ago, Sinocentrism became the ideological foundation for any foreign policy doctrines. The Chinese emperor - the “son of Heaven” - began to present himself as the only organizer of world order on earth, acting as the supreme ruler with a “heavenly mandate” to rule not only China, but the entire Celestial Empire, that is, the earthly circle known to the ancient Chinese in those days .

It was during the period of the V-III centuries. BC. foreign policy doctrines, methods of state contacts, in particular “alliances with distant kingdoms against the near kingdom”, bribery of the administration, deception, blackmail and the like, which will subsequently become part of the arsenal of diplomatic means of Imperial China*, are created and developed.

* Perelomov L.S. Confucianism and Legalism in the political history of China. M, 1981. P. 135.

Confucianism carried the idea of ​​messianic Chinese hegemony in relation to the “barbarians.” The categories of Confucianism, in particular, “philanthropy,” did not apply to “barbarians,” in relation to whom, due to their “ethnic inferiority,” one could be less picky in means and methods and even “treat them like wild animals and birds.” It was implied that under the influence of Chinese civilization, “those living among the wormwood” were supposed to reach the “Chinese” level of development. As long as these “candidates” for the Chinese “remain foreigners,” they must be “pacified” by armed force.

The idea of ​​the superiority of the civilization of the Middle State over the entire world left a special imprint on Chinese diplomacy. The practice of relations between the “middle empire” and the “barbarians of the four sides” finally developed into the classical “tributary system of vassalage” by the Sui and Tang eras (VI-X centuries). This era was considered the "golden age" of Chinese civilization. And later, all states that entered into diplomatic relations, for example, with the Qing Empire (1644-1911), were considered tributary, not equal partners of China in international relations.

Even the reception of foreign ambassadors at the court of the Chinese rulers was supposed to indicate the “vassal” dependence of all countries and peoples on the Chinese emperors. The main part of the diplomatic protocol was the ceremony of “koutou” * - “to kneel three times and bow to the ground nine times,” and sometimes not even in front of the emperor himself, but in front of a sign with his name. The one who performed these bows and other procedures thereby recognized himself and his state as a “tribute” of the Chinese monarch. Foreign representatives who refused to comply with these procedures were not accepted at court, and their missions in China, as a rule, were unsuccessful. Thus, the first official embassy mission of Russia in China under the leadership of F.I. Baikov in 1656 ended in failure precisely because Baikov refused to give the letter of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich and gifts sent with him to anyone other than the emperor, and to perform the “koutou” ritual " Subsequently, Russian ambassadors began to perform the Chinese protocol ceremony and were received by the emperor.

* Myasnikov B.S. The contractual articles were approved. Khabarovsk-M., 1997. P. 84.

Historical precedents played a significant role in the ideological support of foreign policy. Dynastic chronicles and numerous historical works over thousands of years carefully systematized the entire accumulated experience of diplomacy and made it accessible to descendants. In many cases, the “legitimacy” of diplomatic and military actions was justified by reference to precedents from “historical registers”, sometimes determined many centuries ago. Following traditional historiography, Chinese diplomacy examined relations with one or another neighbor, sometimes for a thousand years or more, looking for the precedents it needed.

In Chinese diplomacy, great importance was attached to preliminary calculations for the implementation of military and political actions: “If management methods are based on preliminary calculations, then regardless of whether there is a gifted military leader or a military leader inferior to the enemy, victory is guaranteed.” The greatest military thinker of ancient China, Sun Tzu, made a significant contribution to the development of the foundations of Chinese diplomacy. He considered the key to successful implementation of preliminary calculations to be the correct timing, the ability to concentrate the appropriate forces on the main thing, the unanimity of the performers, caution, and the leader’s ability to act independently*.

* Myasnikov B.S. A brief outline of the history of diplomacy of the PRC (60s - early 80s). M., 1988. P. 28.

But the main thing that Sun Tzu gave to Chinese diplomacy was the requirement to put preliminary calculations in the form of a strategic plan, moreover, a plan that would contain some kind of trap or trick for the enemy. The importance of this requirement cannot be underestimated. Several centuries BC, Chinese diplomacy began to develop strategic plans - stratagems, which became its main weapon throughout the subsequent history of China.

Stratagemism has been a characteristic traditional feature of Chinese diplomacy for centuries. A diplomatic stratagem is a plan aimed at solving a major foreign policy problem, designed for a long period and meeting the state or national interests of the country. This was reflected in such principles of foreign policy strategy as “i-i zhi-i” - “dominate over the barbarians, using the barbarians themselves”, “yuan-jiao shin-gun” - “attract those who are distant, attack those near”*. At the same time, the stratagem of Chinese diplomacy implies not only and not so much the momentary interests of the state, but its strategic, long-term interests.

* Myasnikov B.S. A brief outline of the history of Chinese diplomacy. P. 31.

In 1962, a famous Egyptian journalist visited China. He was accepted by Mao Zedong. After this meeting, the journalist said that he was not struck by Mao Zedong’s specific statements on certain issues of Chinese foreign policy, although this was very interesting. He was amazed that the Chinese do not think in terms of one day, but in terms of eternity*. Ensuring the implementation of the stratagem, stratagem diplomacy draws its means and methods not from the principles, norms and customs of international law, but from the theory of military art, which asserts that the end justifies the means.

* From personal archive.

It is curious that the perception and understanding in China of the political practice of other states also began to be carried out through the prism of stratagem, that is, it was invariably understood as the result of certain intentions and plans directed against China.

A certain reassessment of the values ​​of the traditional doctrine of “vassalage” occurred only when, for the first time in history, the principle of gradual assimilation of “barbarians” by China, this time coming from Europe, “did not work”, and could no longer “work.” The first breach in the “vassalage system” was made as a result of the “Opium” wars in the 40s and 60s of the 19th century. However, a radical transition from traditional “tribute” relations to modern “contractual” relations never occurred. The trick of the Qing court was the establishment in Beijing in 1861 of the so-called “Office for the General Administration of the Affairs of Various Countries” - “Zongli Yamen”, an incompetent and far from responsible body. Only after the suppression of the Yihetuan uprising (Boxer Rebellion) in 1901, instead of the Zongli Yamen, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was created on a European model. But the ideas of Sinocentrism were in no hurry to leave China’s foreign policy.

An interesting description of the diplomatic practice of the Chinese Empire was given by the great democratic revolutionary Sun Yat-sen: “Chinese court and diplomatic etiquette is so subtle and refined that a modification of one syllable is enough to turn a message addressed to a foreigner from a compliment into an insult. This is what efforts are aimed at in all relations with foreigners, and you need a very thorough knowledge of Chinese literature and culture in order to be completely sure that this or that address to a foreigner did not give the Chinese diplomat the highest pleasure in knowing that he had insulted some high-ranking foreigner without knowledge of the latter. In this way, the Chinese official shows his superiority in the eyes of those around him and, conversely, how much lower than him are the “foreign devils” - Yang Guizi”*.

* Sun Yat-sen. Selected works. 2nd ed. M., 1985. P. 76.

The formation of Chinese diplomacy

Modern Chinese diplomacy was formed long before the formation of the PRC in 1949, namely in the course of contacts between representatives of the Communist Party in the so-called liberated areas with the then ruling Kuomintang party in China and with representatives of various states located in the capital of the liberated areas - the city of Yenan, including representatives of the Soviet Union, the United States and some others.

Thus, by the time the People's Republic of China was created in 1949, the leaders of the new China already had some diplomatic experience. It seemed to synthesize not only diverse theoretical positions, including those of antiquity, but also quite a long political practice during the revolutionary activities of the Communist Party of China in its foreign contacts both with the Soviet Union and with some Western countries, primarily with the United States States.

With the formation of the PRC, the issue of specialist personnel for diplomatic work became extremely acute. When staffing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it came primarily from political workers of the People's Liberation Army of China, participants in the civil war - Han Nian-long, Wang Yuping and a number of others. The other group consisted of propaganda workers, journalists - Qiao Guanhua, Huang Hua.

Almost immediately after the proclamation of the People's Republic of China, the Beijing People's University was created. Under him, a diplomatic faculty was opened, transformed in 1955 into the Beijing Diplomatic Institute. Among the main disciplines taught to future diplomats was a course of lectures on the history of Chinese diplomacy, prepared by a team of teachers from the Department of International Relations. A group of Soviet students who studied in 1954-1956. in these educational institutions, lectures were translated into Russian. The course of lectures was the first attempt to give a systematic outline of the history of China's foreign relations and its diplomacy in modern and contemporary times. In relation to the history of the country, students were explained that the most important form of China’s international relations were its relations as the “supreme ruler of the world”, as the “Celestial Empire” with its neighbors - “vassals”. The period of the first half of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. characterized by the weakening of China, and as a consequence of this, China’s self-isolation from the outside world. Historically, China of that period was presented to students as an injured party, as an object of the predatory policies of the imperialist powers. At the same time, the aggressive nature of the foreign policy of the Chinese empires, especially the Manchu and Qing empires (1644-1911), was hushed up. During the study, a thesis was carried out, which, paraphrasing the well-known postulate of British diplomacy, sounded: “China has neither enemies nor friends. He only has his own interests." When these lectures were republished in 1957, some editorial amendments were made to them.

It is impossible not to mention that famous Soviet international affairs specialists were invited to China to train teachers and students of the Beijing Diplomatic Institute (PDI): academician N. Inozemtsev, professors N. Sidorov, L. Kutakov and a number of others. This was a good period of cooperation between the two leading universities of the USSR and China (PDI and MGIMO), which trained diplomatic personnel for their countries.

If we talk about the current diplomacy of the People's Republic of China, it is believed that the foundations of the PRC's foreign policy were developed by Mao Zedong, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and Zhou Enlai, Premier of the State Council of the PRC.

Mao Zedong, more inclined to traditional diplomacy, at the same time was the creator of the line of independence and independence of Chinese foreign policy, gave it a businesslike and realistic character, formulated the so-called mass line and the theory of three worlds - capitalist, socialist and the “third world” of developing countries Asia, Africa and Latin America.

However, Zhou Enlai can rightfully be considered the founding father of the diplomatic service of the people's China. He gained experience in negotiations, in particular, during his participation in the settlement of the “Xi’an Incident” associated with the arrest of Chiang Kai-shek by rebel generals Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hongcheng in December 1936, and in negotiations between the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang in Chung-ching in August 1936. October 1945 Even before the victory of the revolution in China, it was common for Zhou Enlai to assimilate everything useful that he noticed in the diplomatic behavior of certain foreigners. So, in December 1945, an American mission headed by J.S. Marshall arrived in Yan'an, the center of the liberated areas, with which Zhou Enlai negotiated for four days. “Personally, I learned four lessons from these negotiations,” Zhou Enlai later said. - Each side should approach the other with mutual understanding, and not with mutual hostility. The parties must conduct the discussion on a bilateral basis, without allowing one side to dictate. They must make concessions and demand - and more importantly, they must make concessions before making demands. They should compete only to see who can resolve difficulties faster.”* The future Prime Minister of China learned a good lesson from negotiations with the Americans. Unfortunately, the Chinese side did not always follow this understanding of Zhou Enlai.

* Myasnikov B.S. A brief outline of the history of Chinese diplomacy. P. 45.

From the very first days of the existence of the PRC, Zhou Enlai, being the Premier of the State Council of the PRC, also headed the diplomatic department of the new China. Even when Zhou Enlai handed over the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to Marshal Chen Yi in February 1958, he continued to remain the de facto leader of Chinese foreign policy. Zhou Enlai was one of the few Chinese leaders who traveled to foreign countries quite regularly and frequently before his death in 1976. For comparison, Mao Zedong traveled abroad only twice, both times to Moscow. The Chairman of the People's Republic of China, Liu Shaoqi, visited the Soviet Union and also paid visits to Burma, Cambodia and Indonesia in 1963.

Zhou Enlai's contribution is considered to be his adoption of an approach in Chinese diplomacy in which China's relations with foreign countries are determined primarily by its state interests, and then by the commonality or difference of ideology and social order. Together with the prime ministers of India, J. Nehru and Burma, Wu Nu, he formulated the “five principles of peaceful coexistence” and achieved their approval as the foundations of international relations at the Bandung Conference in 1955. Chou En-lai is credited with developing and further developing “ People's Diplomacy" of the PRC, i.e. diplomacy carried out through public organizations and people exchanges. The main feature of Zhou Enlai’s diplomacy is also considered to be the principle he put forward of “qiu-tong tsun-i” - “to find commonality, despite existing differences.” Thanks to the efforts of Zhou Enlai, it was possible to preserve the core staff and protect the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from the excesses of the Red Guards during the destructive period of the Cultural Revolution and ensure the continuity and stability of the country's foreign policy.

Deng Xiaoping also made his contribution to China's diplomacy, developing the country's international activities since the mid-80s. He was the author of the “one state, two systems” approach as a way to solve “problems left behind by history,” specifically in relation to Hong Kong and Macau, as well as Taiwan. He has the thesis that peace and development are the main problems in modern international relations. He is the initiator of the course of “reforms within the country, openness to the outside world,” in which the domestic and foreign policies of the PRC are organically linked together, the placement of China’s foreign policy at the service of the domestic one, and the implementation of “openness” as the main form of the PRC’s state line in the international arena. The pragmatist Deng Xiaoping said: “It doesn’t matter what color the cat is - white or black, the main thing is that it catches mice.”

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ABSTRACT

on the topic: “Features of Chinese diplomacy during the Middle Ages”

Valery Kim

Ekaterina Ivanchenko

For thousands of years, a huge, cultural China existed among barbarian nomadic tribes in the North and relatively small and weak state formations in the South and East. This situation, which continued into the Middle Ages, was reflected in the foreign policy views of both the elite and the entire Chinese people, who considered their country the center of the earth and the rest of humanity, from whom the cultural Chinese had nothing to learn. The complex of ethno-civilizational superiority was reflected even in such a pragmatic sphere of activity as diplomacy.

It is known that the Chinese are one of the most courteous people in the whole world, their correctness in business and communication skills ordinary life often become topics for numerous scientific works. The Middle Ages became for China an era of various protracted wars and long-term interethnic contacts. Expanding the boundaries of the state and increasing the number of tributaries from among foreign rulers was the goal of the foreign policy of many dynasties that succeeded each other in the political arena of China. Repeated wars were followed by periods of unstable truce.

Using information about the features of Chinese diplomacy, which are given below, you can avoid numerous miscalculations in interethnic contacts with the Chinese in modern international relations.

A retrospective excursion into the politics of China during the Middle Ages shows that with the fall of the Han Empire at the turn of the 2nd-3rd centuries. A change of eras is taking place in China: it is ending ancient period history of the country and the Middle Ages begin. The first stage of early feudalism went down in history as the Time of the Three Kingdoms (220-280). Three states emerged on the territory of the country (Wei in the north, Shu in the central part and Wu in the south), the type of power in which was close to a military dictatorship. But already at the end of the 3rd century. Political stability in China is again lost, and it becomes easy prey for the nomadic tribes that poured in, mainly settling in the northwestern regions of the country. From that moment on, for two and a half centuries, China was divided into northern and southern parts, which affected its subsequent development.

The strengthening of centralized power occurs in the 20s. V century after the founding of the Southern Song Empire here and in the 30s. V century in the north, where the Northern Wei Empire was strengthening, in which the desire to establish a unified Chinese statehood was more strongly expressed. In 581, a coup d'etat took place in the north: the commander Yang Jian removed the emperor and changed the name of the Sui state. In 589 he brought under his rule southern state and for the first time after a four-hundred-year period of fragmentation, he restored the political unity of the country.

If we talk about the peculiarities of the development of political ties between China and other states in a later period, it should be noted that in the 15th century. the southern direction of foreign policy is intensifying. China intervenes in Vietnamese affairs and seizes several areas of Burma. From 1405 to 1433, seven grandiose expeditions of the Chinese fleet under the leadership of Zheng He (1371 around 1434) were carried out in the countries of Southeast Asia, India, Arabia and Africa. In various campaigns, he led from 48 to 62 large ships alone (this journey took place 100 years before Columbus discovered America, and Zheng He’s flagship ship was more than twice the size of Columbus’s famous “Santa Maria”). The purpose of the voyage was to establish trade and diplomatic relations with overseas countries, although all foreign trade was reduced to the exchange of tribute and gifts with foreign embassies, and a strict ban was imposed on private foreign trade activities. Caravan trade also acquired the character of embassy missions.

Private trading activities were recognized as legal and profitable for the treasury, but public opinion considered them unworthy of respect and requiring systematic control by the authorities. The state itself pursued an active internal trade policy. The treasury forcibly purchased goods at low prices and distributed products of state-owned crafts, sold licenses for trading activities, maintained a system of monopoly goods, maintained imperial shops and planted state “trading settlements”.

Analyzing the features of secret and official Chinese diplomacy in the Middle Ages, we conclude that it proceeded from the concept of the “predetermined mentality” of the rest of the world from China, since “There is one sky above the world, the Mandate of Heaven was issued to the emperor, therefore, the rest of the world is vassal of China. The Emperor received a clear order from Heaven to rule the Chinese and foreigners... Since the existence of Earth and Heaven, there has been a division into subjects and sovereigns, lower and higher. Therefore, there is a certain order in relations with foreigners.”

The essence of this “certain order” is expressed by the hieroglyph “fan”, which simultaneously denotes a foreigner, a foreigner, a subordinate, a savage. According to the Chinese, their country is a circle inscribed in the square of the world, and in the corners of the square there are the aforementioned “fan”, which cannot be treated humanely, since “the principle of morality is for governing China, the principle of attack is for governing barbarians.” The corners of the world square conquered by China were given the following names: Andong (Humble East), Annan (Humble South).

The Chinese elite had knowledge of the world, but it was fundamentally ignored: the entire non-Chinese world was viewed as something peripheral and monotonous, the diversity of the world and reality were obscured by chauvinistic and Sinocentric dogma, which, perhaps, still makes itself felt in the mentality of the Chinese.

In practice, the apologists of “predestined vassalage” were satisfied with nominal vassalage: the main duties of the “vassal” were visiting Beijing (officially interpreted as a manifestation of loyalty) with gifts to the Chinese emperor (interpreted as tribute) and receiving by the “vassal” even more valuable gifts from the emperor, called “grace” and salary."

This phenomenon of Chinese diplomacy is explained by the fact that the concept of “predetermined vassalage” was intended not so much for foreigners as for the Chinese themselves: the appearance of vassalage is additional proof of the power of the dynasty, which thus convinced the people that before it “all foreigners submitted in trepidation,” “ Countless states are in a hurry to become vassals, bring tribute and behold the Son of Heaven.” Thus, in China, foreign policy is in the service of domestic policy directly, and not indirectly, as in the West. In parallel with the conviction of the masses, in the desire of most countries to “join civilization,” a sense of external danger from inveterate barbarians from the North was also injected to unite society and justify brutal tax exploitation: “The absence of external enemies leads to the collapse of the state.” diplomacy china middle ages

In order to enhance the psychological and ideological impact in in the right direction The ceremonial side of diplomatic contacts was focused on foreigners and their own people. In accordance with the diplomatic ritual of "kou-tou", which lasted until 1858, foreign representatives had to fulfill a number of conditions for an audience with the Chinese emperor that humiliated their personal and state dignity of their countries, including 3 prostrations and 9 prostrations.

In 1660, the Qing emperor commented on the arrival of the Russian mission of N. Spafari in Beijing: “The Russian Tsar called himself the Great Khan and in general there was a lot of immodest in his letter. The White Tsar is just the head of the tribes, and he is arrogant and arrogant.” Russia is located far on the western outskirts and is not civilized enough, but the sending of an ambassador shows a desire to fulfill a duty. Therefore, it was ordered that the White Tsar and his ambassador be rewarded mercifully.” N. Spafari's refusal to kneel when receiving the emperor's gifts was regarded as “an insufficient appeal of the Russians to civilization.” The Chinese dignitary frankly stated to the Russian ambassador that “Rus' is not a vassal, but the custom cannot be changed.” To which Spafariy replied: “Your custom differs from ours: with us it leads to honor, and with you it leads to dishonor.” The ambassador left China with the conviction that “they would sooner lose their kingdom than abandon their custom.”

While official diplomacy served as an attribute of China's imperial greatness, specific foreign policy tasks were solved using secret unofficial diplomacy methods, i.e. Chinese diplomacy with a double bottom (secret diplomacy in two countries solves only a few sensitive specific tasks). The secret diplomacy of old China is imbued with the spirit of legalism and its priority of state interests at any cost (the end justifies the means) and is based on the real state of affairs, and not on the dogmas of official policy.

Since war has always been a burden for huge agricultural China, he constantly proceeded from the fact that “diplomacy is an alternative to war”: “first defeat the enemy’s plans, then his alliances, then himself.”

The toolkit of Chinese diplomacy consisted not only of ingenious traps, but also of specific foreign policy doctrines developed for all cases of dangerous international life:

Horizontal strategy at the very beginning and in the decline of the dynasty. A weak China enters into alliances with its neighbors against an enemy that is distant to China but close to its neighbors. Thus, neighbors are diverted in the opposite direction from China;

Vertical strategy at the apogee of the dynasty: Strong China advances on its neighbors “in alliance with the distant against the near”;

Combination strategy: changing allies like gloves;

A combination of military and diplomatic methods: “one must act with pen and sword at the same time”;

- “using poison as an antidote” (barbarians against barbarians);

Feigning weakness: “pretending to be a girl, rushing like a tiger into an open door.”

Summarizing all that has been said, we come to the following conclusions:

China has quite successfully turned diplomacy into a game without rules into a game according to its own rules, using a stratagem approach as a kind of diplomatic karate, inevitably fatal for the opponents of the Middle Kingdom.

A stratagem is a special strategic plan in which a trap is laid for the enemy. Accordingly, a diplomatic stratagem is the sum of targeted diplomatic and other activities designed to implement a long-term strategic plan for solving cardinal foreign policy problems.

The philosophy of intrigue, the art of deception, active foresight; the ability not only to calculate, but also to program moves in the political game; this is precisely what China’s diplomatic stratagem is, the main means of combating external enemies of the state during the Middle Ages.

In modern conditions, Chinese diplomacy skillfully uses some techniques from the rich arsenal of “Chinese negotiation ceremonies” to resolve interfaith and interethnic conflicts.

Bibliography

1. Govorov, Yu.L. History of Asian and African countries in the Middle Ages / Yu.L. Govorov. M., 2003.

2. Ismailova, S. World History / S. Ismailova. M., 1996.

3. Polyak, G.B. World history: textbook. for universities / G.B. Polyak, A.N. Markova. M., 2005.

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Chinese diplomacy in the second half of the 20th century. has undergone significant changes. From a backward country, China has turned into a nuclear power with a population of one billion and a powerful industry. The “Cultural Revolution” dealt a serious blow to the image of the PRC in diplomacy. More than 40 Chinese ambassadors were recalled from abroad, foreign diplomats in Beijing received humiliation and insults, and the “Red Guards” even physically dealt with each of them. The Soviet and British embassies were attacked.

In 1971, the Chinese government apologized to the countries that suffered during the Cultural Revolution, compensated for the damage caused to embassies, and took its place in the Security Council.

Foreign diplomats who have worked in China respect the high professionalism of the Chinese leadership. The famous American diplomat J. Kennan wrote in his memoirs that “individually, the Chinese are the smartest people among all the peoples of the world.”

Due to the fact that final decisions are made, as a rule, by the country's leaders, no change in relations is possible without their approval. At the same time, Chinese leaders take into account the opinions of diplomats and scientists. In the Chinese delegation, as a rule, there are many experts, for example, an expert on financial issues, technical issues and the like. As a result, the size of the delegation turns out to be quite large.

The Chinese themselves defend their positions very strictly and act only when negotiations have reached a dead end. They skillfully use mistakes made by their partners.

The Chinese are hospitable hosts. If you are invited to your home or restaurant for lunch, prepare to be served two dozen dishes, or even more. You should not categorically refuse the offered treat. Even if some of the exotic dishes seem disgusting to you, try to eat at least a piece or a few spoons and leave the rest. If soup is served, it means lunch is coming to an end. A guest in China must rise from the table first.

Both vodka and wine are popular in China. They usually drink it after toast. The glass should be held in the right hand, supporting it with the left. They clink glasses infrequently, but if they do, then adhere to the rule: the glass of a junior in rank must touch the upper part of the stem of the glass held by a person of high rank. Other people's glasses must be filled to the brim, otherwise it will be seen as disrespect.

Features of Indian diplomacy

Indian diplomats are close to the English school, many of them graduated from English universities and completed internships in the English Foreign Office. Some Indian diplomats in the foreign service were officials of the British colonial administration. Indian diplomats were distinguished by their high professionalism, diversified connections, and skillful defense of the interests of their country.

When maintaining contacts with representatives of India, it is worth remembering that Indians have a highly developed sense of self-esteem. A Hindu will not allow himself to be offended. When humiliated by England's long colonial rule, he is very protective of his independence.

The American diplomat, Ambassador Watson, in his book “Diplomacy” notes the high competence of Indian colleagues in bilateral and multilateral diplomacy.

Another characteristic of Indian politicians and diplomats that impresses me is their realism, practicality, and subordination to one goal - the interests of the country.

The Indian diplomat is jealous of his honor. For example, a schoolboy came to London to visit his father, the Ambassador of India, and in a store where he went alone, he was seduced by the colored pencils that he stole. He was detained, but as a minor, of course, he was released. Yellow press journalists found out about this. An article appeared in one of the newspapers: “The father declared that his son’s actions did not allow him to represent his country, immediately resigned and left London.”