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- On August 25, units loyal to Kornilov move to Petrograd, counting, among other things, on the support of officers loyal to him who had previously departed for the city, who collaborated with the Union of Officers, the Military League and other organizations. At the same time, Kornilov also counted on the support of the Government, considering minor disagreements with Prime Minister Kerensky to be insignificant in their common goal: the implementation of dictatorial power in Russia.
- On August 27, Alexander Kerensky signed a decree on the removal of L.G. Kornilov from the post of Commander-in-Chief, while declaring him a rebel. Kerensky dissolves the cabinet of ministers, arrogates to himself "dictatorial powers" and declares himself the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. Kerensky refused any negotiations with Kornilov. Kornilov at that moment was already in a losing position: by the actions of the Belarusian Soviets, the military Headquarters (located in Mogilev) was cut off from the front-line territories, the army soldiers' committees of the armies Southwestern Front arrested their commanders, and the commander-in-chief of this front, A. I. Denikin, was arrested. Other supporters of Kornilov were also isolated at the front, in other Russian cities (General Krymov, who realized the futility of the rebellious actions, shot himself on 31 August). Lavr Kornilov himself was arrested on September 2.
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Aggravation and collision class contradictions in Russia at the beginning of the XX century. Description of the main causes of the October Revolution. Crises of the Provisional Government. Major events October coup. World significance October revolution.
Revolutionary situation 1859-1861 grew on the basis of the ever-deepening discrepancy between the old feudal production relations that prevailed in Russia and the new character of the steadily growing productive forces.
Mandatory Compliance Law industrial relations the character of the productive forces pushed its way, determined the objective necessity of eliminating the outdated feudal system, which hindered the progressive development of the productive forces, demanded the establishment of new capitalist - production relations.
By the 50s of the XIX century. the conflict between productive forces and production relations has become so aggravated, and capitalist production relations have grown so much that feudalism has been deeply shaken and the old economic system has been undermined at its core. This is what caused the collapse of feudalism, the emergence of a crisis of a revolutionary character and the transition to a new - capitalist - mode of production. As a result of the reform of 1861, capitalist production relations became the dominant form of production relations, despite all the vestiges of feudalism that remained after the reform.
The significant growth of new productive forces, which by their nature belonged to the capitalist mode of production, and the growth of capitalist relations of production are clearly visible primarily from the development of industry based on the use of hired labor. Such an industry existed at the beginning of the 19th century, but as a result of its intensive growth during the first half of the century, in the 50s it already began to occupy a qualitatively new place in common system the country's economy: by 1860, out of 859,950 workers employed in Russian industry (including metallurgy), 61.4% of the workers were already civilians. This means that capitalist production relations have already begun to play a predominant role in Russian industrial production as a whole and have entered into sharp conflict with the quitrent status of workers. In some branches of industry - cotton, silk-weaving - serf labor in the 1950s was almost completely supplanted by civilians.
The sharp exacerbation of the conflict between the old feudal relations of production and the development of productive forces is most clearly seen in the example of a particularly rapidly developing and technically advanced textile industry, where the signs of the industrial revolution that had begun in Russia were most clearly manifested. In St. Petersburg and the Petersburg province, according to the archive of 1860, comparatively large enterprises already play a predominant role in the textile industry - steam factories employing 150 to 1,200 workers, and the workers there are almost entirely civilians. Large enterprises also begin to dominate in Moscow and the Moscow province. According to the statement for 1856, out of 198 enterprises with more than 16 workers, 120 factories, or 60.6%, were enterprises with more than 50 workers; out of 31,132 workers employed in 198 enterprises, 24,451 people, or 78.5% of all workers, worked in factories with the number of workers from 100 to 1,400 people. Many of these factories with more than a thousand workers in reality united only a part of these workers within the walls of one enterprise, and the rest of the workers were peasants who worked at home in the villages near Moscow, but even under these conditions the factory remains at that time a large enterprise with several hundred workers. The development of the productive forces clearly belonged to the capitalist mode of production, meanwhile it developed in a serf country, where the overwhelming majority of direct producers were in serfdom and even freelance workers large enterprises, as a rule, were serfs, released on a quitrent. Feudal relations of production thus entered into sharp conflict with the nature of the productive forces.
Serfdom chained the peasant to the village - meanwhile, growth capitalist industry demanded everything more freelance workers. In deep contradiction with feudal relations of production, and undermining their foundations, the process of forming workers for capitalist industry is developing in Russia, that is, the initial process of forming the working class, which was completed only in the post-reform period. Workers were recruited from different layers the population - from the urban bourgeoisie, indefinite leave soldiers, the main source of their replenishment was the expropriated peasantry. The decomposition of the corvee system of the economy, which was mentioned above (see Chapter 1), was revealed in the ruin of the peasants by the landlords as a result of the growth of exploitation, the increase in corvee and the landlessness of the peasants by the landlords. The ruin led the peasants to the need to look for work, as a result of which to mid XIX v. non-agricultural withdrawal from the countryside grew. The existence of serfdom hindered the development of capitalist relations; the landowner often detained the poorest peasants in the countryside, who were "unreliable" in terms of timely payment of their quitrent, but nevertheless, the number of migrant workers in the 50s is growing every year. Among the serf landlord peasants in industrial provinces, the percentage of those released on quitrent, according to editorial commissions collected in 1859, was 88 in Kostroma province, 87 in Yaroslavl province, 84 in Vologda province, 72 in Olonets province, 70 in St. Petersburg province, Vladimirskaya - 70, in the Moscow province - 68. Most of the quitrent peasants were free-hired workers, some of them were engaged in handicrafts, small trade, etc. However, in any case, such a high percentage of migrants clearly indicates that the feudal mode of production was undermined at the very core. The overwhelming majority of the serfs of the industrial provinces, being legally serfs, were already employed in capitalist production.
In such industrial provinces as Vladimir or Moscow, the expansion of industrial production intensified and accelerated the process of separating the peasants from agriculture. Merchants-entrepreneurs widely practiced the organization of their factories in remote county towns or even in rural areas, which led to the actual transformation of some of the serf landlords and state peasants into permanent factory workers. So, for example, in the Moscow district, on the state land of the peasants of the village of Rostokin, councilor Molchanov built a cotton-printing factory for commerce, since here he could get cheap labor. This was a large factory for that time with two steam engines in 18 and 40 liters. s, with an annual turnover of almost a million rubles, located in 6 stone and 16 wooden buildings, employed from 630 to 910 workers during the year. Under Aristova Posad in the Bogorodsky district, a silk-weaving factory of the Moscow merchant Shishov was opened, which employed 416 workers. In total, out of 198 textile enterprises in the Moscow province in 1856, 83 were located not in Moscow, but in the province. Of the 14 largest St. Petersburg textile factories, 9 were located in the city itself, and 5 in the district.
The presence of serfdom, feudal relations of production retarded the development of capitalist industry, which could not get a sufficient number of free hands, and impeded the development of labor productivity in agriculture, was the reason for the decline of industry based on the use of serf labor, which is especially clearly seen in the example of the Ural metallurgy.
The operation of the objective economic law of the obligatory correspondence of production relations to the nature of the productive forces led to the need to abolish the serfdom in Russia. This law made its way through, despite the resistance of the landlord class, which was vitally interested in preserving the old mode of production. Old public classes As you know, they do not voluntarily renounce power and all the benefits they receive from preserving the old mode of production - they can be thrown from the path of development of productive forces only by the might of the popular movement, the people's revolution.
The main social force fighting for the destruction of the feudal-serf system was the enslaved peasantry. The antifeudal struggle of the peasantry was not conscious, but spontaneous; the establishment of capitalist production relations was the objective result of this struggle.
The peasant movement against the landlords grew with each passing decade. The development of the capitalist system under the dominance of the feudal-serf system was a painful process for the oppressed masses. This process, accompanied by the impoverishment of the landowners, state and appanage peasants, especially intensified during and after Crimean War... The war exacerbated and accelerated the development of these processes, which caused an even greater increase in poverty and misery of the working masses, contributed to the growth of their onslaught on the feudal system.
The peasantry responded to the growth of landlord exploitation, to the dispossession of land and ruin by the intensification of the spontaneous movement that swept the whole of European Russia by the end of the 1950s.
The preservation of serf slavery became more and more unbearable for the peasants.
The peasant movement of the peoples of Russia acquired a wide scope during the Crimean War due to the growing tax burden and a sharp deterioration in the situation of the peasantry. At the same time, the tsar's repeated appeals to all estates with an appeal for patriotic sacrifices, with the announcement of the recruitment of militias awakened in the peasantry the confidence that by participating in the war it would buy itself freedom. In April 1854, a decree was issued on the recruitment of the naval militia. The recruitment was carried out with the aim of forming a rowing flotilla for the defense of the Baltic coast and extended to four provinces - Petersburg, Olonets, Tver and Novgorod. When enrolling in the militia, serfs were required to have permission from the landowner. There was a rumor in the peasantry that joining the militia would free the militias and their families from serfdom. On this basis, unrest arose, which in addition to the indicated a number of internal provinces (Ryazan, Tambov, Vladimir, etc.). The movement was stopped military force... In 1855, in connection with the call to the national militia, the unrest of the peasants took on even more formidable proportions. They were especially acute in the Ukraine - in the Kiev province, where hatred of the Polish landlords and memories of the Cossacks gave them a peculiar form. The people started talking about the existence of a decree hidden by the priests and priests, by which all peasants are supposedly called "into the Cossacks" and freed from serf bondage with the transfer of land and property of the landlords to them. The peasants refused to work for the masters, introduced self-government by default, did not obey the "convictions" of their superiors and in a number of cases resisted the troops. As a result of the clashes, there were many killed and wounded peasants. This movement spread to the Volga region. It took an extremely harsh form among the Tatars of the Kazan and Nizhny Novgorod provinces who refused to carry out military service.
In the Great Russian provinces, the movement of 1855 was expressed in the mass exodus of serfs to the cities, where they demanded enrollment in the national militia. The unrest in the Voronezh province was distinguished by considerable persistence. In 1856 the peasant movement manifested itself in new form- in the independent departure of tens of thousands of serfs, mainly Ukrainian peasants of the Kherson and Yekaterinoslav provinces, to the Crimean peninsula, to "Tavria for freedom." The impetus for this movement was the rumors that the peasants in the Crimea will receive freedom. The government deployed large military forces to suppress this movement.
The latest echo of military events was the uprising in Mingrelia (Georgia) in 1857. During the Crimean War Mingrelia was devastated by the Turkish army. At the end of the war, the landowners, seeking to improve their affairs at the expense of the peasants, sharply intensified their exploitation. The unrest began in January 1857 and by May took on the character of a general uprising of the serfs of Megrelia. The peasants did not fulfill their duties, demanded the abolition of the princely and noble estates, the adoption of measures against luxury and excessive trade profits. The main goal of the rebels was the liberation from the landlords' power. With the active intervention of the tsarist administration, the domination of the local serf-owners was restored.
The peasant movement is especially strengthening in last years before the reform. On average, in the first quarter of the 19th century. more than 11 disturbances took place annually, in 1826-1854 - more than 24 and in 1855-1861 - more than 79.
By the fall of 1917, a nationwide crisis engulfed all aspects of the economic and political relations... It found its expression primarily in the growth of the revolutionary creative activity of the popular masses. They no longer wanted to live in the old way and resolutely demanded revolutionary transformations of the social system. In the course of the development of the revolution, the masses of the people rallied more and more closely around the Bolshevik Party, led by Lenin.
The influence of the Bolshevik Party in trade unions, factory committees and other organizations of the working class grew. Trade unions united over 2 million workers and employees. According to incomplete data, by the fall of 1917 there were 34 factory committees at enterprises. large cities... The re-elections of factory committees in October brought a huge victory to the Bolsheviks. So, in the factory committee of the Petrograd Pipe Plant, the Bolsheviks received 23 out of 33 seats.
The strike movement acquired a pronounced political character and took place under the Bolshevik slogans. The strike of printers, which began in the first half of September, spread throughout the country. At the same time, the general strike of the railway workers forced the government to make some concessions. The strike of Baku oil workers ended with a great victory of the workers, who forced the entrepreneurs to conclude with them collective agreement... Everywhere workers fought against the attempts of the bourgeoisie to stop work in factories, persistently sought control over production and distribution. Up to 100 thousand people took part in the strike of protest against mass lockouts in the Urals. The strike was accompanied by the establishment of workers' control at many enterprises. Similar facts were also observed in Petrograd, Moscow, Donbass, Kharkov, Nizhny Novgorod, in the Ivanovo-Kineshemsky textile region, etc. Labor movement in its development it came close to the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets.
In a number of events in Russia that followed the February Revolution, the revolt of General L. G. Kornilov stands out. The personality of Kornilov became known in Russia after the events of 1916, when he managed to escape from Austrian captivity. On March 2, 1917, Kornilov was appointed commander of the Petrograd Military District by Nicholas II on behalf of the Chief of the General Staff of General Mikhnevich.
Lavr Kornilov was a supporter of the most stringent measures in restoring order. Among his demands were: an introduction death penalty in the rear and at the front, the complete subordination of the transport industry to the high command, the involvement of industry work exclusively for frontline needs and the abstraction of political leadership from military affairs.
A separate item on Lavr Georgievich's program was the "unloading" of Petrograd from unwanted and harmful military elements. It was planned to disarm the Petrograd garrison with the help of the front-line units, which remained in combat readiness, and to bring the revolutionary troops to the front. At the same time, the Kronstadt garrison was subject to complete liquidation, as the main hotbed of revolutionary sentiments. Petrograd itself was supposed to be transferred to martial law. The plans to "unload" Petrograd are already showing disagreements in the political goals that its organizers set themselves. A.F. Kerensky prepared the ground for getting rid of the influence of the Soviets and concentrating sole power in own hands... The military generals (generally opposed to the Provisional Government) relied on a military dictatorship.
Kornilov himself, feeling like an electrified atmosphere, warmed up by those tired of chaos and unrest common people, as if at that moment he believed in his exclusivity and providence of the fact that he should become the head of the country. Despite the fact that Kornilov was considered a bad politician even in his inner circle, Lavr Georgievich developed a whole political program before the rebellion. It included many points: restoring the disciplinary law of commanders in the army and navy, removing the commissars of the Provisional Government from interfering in the actions of officers, restricting the rights of soldiers' committees, banning rallies in the army and strikes at defense factories. position the whole system railways, the industry, which worked for the front-line needs, and the effect of the law on the death penalty should be extended to the rear units.
The political part of Kornilov's program included the abolition of the Soviets in the rear and at the front, the prohibition of the activities of trade union committees in factories, and the introduction of censorship in the army press. Supreme authority had to go to the Council of National Defense, which would include Kornilov himself, Kerensky, A. V. Kolchak, B. V. Savinkov and others.
All-Russian constituent Assembly it was supposed to convene either after the end of the war, or else - to convene it and dissolve in case of disagreement with the decisions taken by the elite of the military dictators.
Contemplating his speech in Petrograd, Lavr Kornilov counted on the support of such organizations as the Union of Officers, the Military League, and the leadership of these particular organizations proposed to Kornilov a plan for an offensive against Petrograd. Under the justification that on August 27 - in honor of half a year since the overthrow of the tsarist government - the leftist forces would begin demonstrations in the capital, which would then escalate into riots in order to seize power, Kornilov (legally, in agreement with Kerensky) began to transfer military units to the capital.
It was the 3rd Cavalry Corps of the division of General A. M. Krymov and the Tuzemnaya (informally called "Wild", which consisted of Caucasian mounted warriors), Lieutenant General DP Bagration. In addition, from the north, from Finland, the cavalry corps of Major General A.N.Dolgorukov moved to Petrograd.
After the failure of the Kornilov revolt, Alexander Kerensky proclaimed Russia a republic, power passed to the Directory, consisting of five people, headed by himself.
Thus, the Kornilov rebellion was defeated, but it laid the foundation for white movement- the main anti-Bolshevik political force.
Causes of the revolution: unresolved complex problems facing the country at the beginning of the century; deterioration of the material situation of the population of town and country as a result of the world war and the economic devastation caused by it; growing discontent in the army with defeats in the war, mediocre military leadership, poor provision of weapons and food; rapid revolutionization of the army. The crisis of the "top" was obvious (the inability to cope with the situation, the growth of corruption and arbitrariness of officials, the conspiracy and murder of Grigory Rasputin, etc. Events grew rapidly. In January, the strike movement intensified. Along with the economic ones, political slogans began to be put forward.February 25-26, bloody clashes with the troops broke out, an armed uprising began.The State Duma was dissolved (decree of February 26). On February 27, the capital was in the power of the insurgents, the activities of the authorities were paralyzed. the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was created (N. S. Chkheidze, M. I. Skobelev, A. F. Kerensky) and at the same time the Provisional Committee of Members was formed State Duma, and then the Provisional Government headed by G. Ye. Lvov. A dual power has developed in the country. The programs of both authorities were made public, proclaiming a number of democratic rights and freedoms. Order No. 1 for the Petrograd garrison contained provisions on the democratization of the army. Nicholas II abdicated the throne. It is impossible to define the nature of the February revolution unequivocally. A number of streams operated simultaneously in it: proletarian, peasant, national liberation, anti-war (in the army). In the course of the revolution, anti-feudal, anti-capitalist, general democratic and narrow class problems were solved. The most important result of the events of February 1917 was the overthrow of the autocratic government under pressure from the left forces, the emergence of the possibility of democratic development of the country.
Russia in conditions of dual power: the alignment of political forces and possible ways resolving the crisis of power (March-July 1917
At the beginning of 1917, general discontent, provoked. war fatigue, rising prices, speculation, queues, even more intensification. because of the post. interruptions in food supplies to Moscow and Petrograd. In a number of places, grain lines are beginning to smash shops and shops. Pogrom moods are introduced into production. February 28, 1917 Petrograd rendered. in the hands of the rebels. The gov't was arrested. In the land of fuss. dual power. There was an image. two // - x organs of power: the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and the Committee of the State. thoughts, formed. Provisional government. An attempt to send units from the front to suppress the uprising ended. failure. In these conditions, the situation is under pressure - on March 2, Nick. II abdicated the throne. The era of autocracy in Russia is over. It would seem that a long period of inconsistent attempts by the lib.-democr. transformation has come to an end. Russia has not only entered the circle of Europe. powers, and approached polit. and social and economic standard European countries... Full equality of citizens was proclaimed, universal and equal elections. right, freedom of speech, press, assembly, strikes. Power passed into the hands of the bourgeoisie and support. its forces, including the right-wing socialist parties. This made it possible for new tradition control of the country, with a cat. big role would play societies. org-and, such as zemstvo and city self-control. However, in the culture of Russia, split in two, there are 2 images of revolution and 2 ideas about its tasks. For the peasantry, this was not a bourgeois-democratic. revol., and the victorious cross. a war for the ideal of "truth" that revived hopes for the arrival of the Rasputins and Pugachevs, the extermination of masters and officials, an end to the painful war, the return of lands to communities and, finally, the accession of a "just tsar" as the guarantor of these transformations. The bourgeoisie and right-wing socialists saw everything in a completely different light. They did not consider it necessary to sect. peasants landlord lands, cat. accounted for 1/10 of the land fund of the country, and at the same time preserve the community, the destruction of the cat. could give an immeasurably greater economy. the effect. They could not understand why stop the war, the victory in the cat. gave Russia new markets, so. improved the conditions for entrepreneurship. In Russia, the clash of monologues of societies began again. forces, but this time the watershed is not between power and general, but within the community itself. There could be no interaction, no compromise between them. Now the severity of the floor was due to the fact that this situation was superimposed on the most difficult social. development problems Russia XIX-XX centuries In Russia, due to the catching-up type of development of the same time. required was to solve the issues of the original. capital accumulation, industrialization and developed monopoly capitalism. All this exacerbated the economy. position created. the impression of the hopelessness of the situation. Moreover, the Russian bourgeoisie was not in vain for a long time. dependence on tsarism. It’s gotten out. it is the inability to defend their interests and establish their dictatorship. In the eyes of the people, this is witness. about the viciousness of the path of bourgeois development as such, made obvious the conclusions of the theory of Marxism about the need to overthrow the power of the bourgeoisie and build a new, socialist society. The lack of dialogue between the bourgeois. the intelligentsia and the people led to the fact that the struggle of monologues within society turns. in the struggle of monologues of parties and authorities. The Provisional Government, headed by Lvov, put forward the slogans: "War to a victorious end", "Peace and harmony in the rear", "Freedom and order", "Implementing reforms after the end of the war and the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. meetings ”. But the soldiers demanded an immediate peace. The peasants launched a massive seizure of premises. lands. They sowed up to 20% of the fields in the estates of landowners. The workers unauthorizedly introduced an 8-hour working day, constantly demanding an increase in wages since conditions in growing inflation (400% in six months) money was constantly depreciating. In rez-those econom. half of the country worsened, the mood of the community acquired an extremist character. In overcoming difficulties, the Provisional Government hoped for the initiative of the localities. But the local Soviets, refusing to recognize the authority of officials sent from the center, at the same time, as before, saw the central government as a distributor of funds from the indigent treasury. The ideal of the bourgeois. entrepreneurial spirit collided with tradition. ideal of "fair distribution" of state. income. But without waiting for the money, realizing the powerlessness of Time. govt., the Soviets began to announce their independence from the center. authorities. This undermined the state. unity of Russia. Own independent republics were proclaimed not only in Finland, Latvia, Estonia, Belarus, the Caucasus, but also in other regions - among the Cossacks, in Yekaterinburg, Tsaritsyn, Krasnoyarsk, Yeniseisk, and even in the Petrograd and Shlisselburg districts of the Petrograd province. Power Time. gov-va weakened from time to time. The repeated change in the composition of the cabinet of ministers did not solve the problem. Government crises became more and more protracted and deep. It soon became clear that such a leader, a cat, would be able to lead the people. will demand an end to the war, the elimination of the bourges. state and private property: transfer of factories to workers, and land to peasants. They were willing to go for it only insignificantly. by the number of left groups: the Bolshevik parties, Left Socialist-Revolutionaries and anarchists. Naib. Act. of them were the Bolsheviks, headed by Lenin. In 1905-1917, the Bolsheviks showed polit. flexibility. They went on to accept the cross. the slogan of the confiscation of the entire premises. land and its nationalization. In 1917 they borrowed the slogans of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, in particular about the transfer of land to the cross. communities, and factories - workers. It was a direct reliance on the forces of traditionalism, the slogans “ peasant war”. Putting forward such demands, the Bolsheviks yielded the initiative in the days of the February Revolution. and having ceded influence in the Soviets to the right-wing socialists, by the summer of 1917 had become one of the founders. polit. forces of the country. The name of Lenin was associated with hopes for complete justice, people. power and the end of the war. In the eyes of the people, he became a leader with wonderful, all-conquering power, the heir to Razin and Pugachev. At the very beginning of September, the re-elections of the Petrograd Soviet take place. The Bolsheviks get the majority in it. And Trotsky is elected chairman.
1989 was a turning point in the history of perestroika. At this time, a broad anti-Gorbachev and anti-communist opposition developed. Negative trends in the development of the economy have become irreversible, and social problems have worsened. In March 1989, elections of People's Deputies of the USSR took place. Two thirds of them were elected in territorial districts on an alternative basis, and a third of the deputies (750 people) represented various public organizations... Among the latter there are 100 people from the CPSU. Preparations for the elections took place in an atmosphere of unprecedented activity by the overwhelming majority of the adult population. Mass meetings and demonstrations became widespread. Many independent deputies were elected on the wave of protest sentiments, criticism of the party apparatus and the existing order (in particular, Yeltsin collected about 90% of the votes in the Moscow district). All this testified to the fact that the CPSU was rapidly losing its authority in the eyes of the people, and perestroika itself acquired autonomy from its initiators. In fact, the elections were the beginning of the Third Revolution. For the main demand of the broad masses was a radical change in the existing political system... But the masses themselves and even their leaders did not realize the scale and depth of the events that had begun. Congresses of People's Deputies became the most important political events in 1989-1990. Thanks to live broadcasts, masses of people could watch the debates, which, despite many years of practice, did not develop according to the script written by the Central Committee of the CPSU. Already at the first congress (May - June 1989), some of the deputies demanded to assess Afghan war, to understand the causes of national conflicts, to make public the documents related to the conclusion of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact in 1939. The congress formed the first ever permanently working parliament - a bicameral The Supreme Council THE USSR. Gorbachev became its chairman. Radically-minded deputies, who were in the minority, formed an Interregional Deputy Group (MDG) with co-chairs A. Sakharov, B. Yeltsin and others. For the first time in 70 years, a legal political opposition emerged. MDG advocated a decisive reform of Soviet society. The opposition received support from the strike movement that was gaining strength in the summer of 1989 in the mining regions. Along with economic demands, political statements were louder and louder. At the same time, the degree of Yeltsin's popularity was mirror image the level of decline in Gorbachev's authority. After the death in December 1989 of Sakharov, who had indisputable authority in the democratic movement, Yeltsin became the leading leader of the opposition forces to the CPSU. A new round of the revolutionary movement was the struggle at the Second Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (December 1989) for the abolition of Article 6 of the Constitution (on the leading role of the CPSU). It took place against the backdrop of the "velvet" anti-communist revolutions in Eastern Europe... In the spring of 1990, during the elections to republican and local councils, the demand to abolish this article became the core of political discussions. All this led to the discrediting of the party in broad strata of society. A political split begins within the CPSU. With the weakening of the position of the CPSU, the emergence of opposition, the problem of power has become especially urgent. The transfer of real power functions from party structures to the Soviets, who were not prepared for this, led to a weakening of centralized control over the economy and politics, interethnic relations and social processes... Gorbachev's entourage saw a way out in the introduction of a presidential system in the country. In March 1990, at the III Congress of People's Deputies, Gorbachev was elected the first and, as it turned out, the last President of the USSR. At the same time, the deputies canceled the 6th article of the Constitution. However, all these changes did not stop the further aggravation of the crisis. One of the consequences of the rapid deterioration of the economic situation, the radicalization of the masses and the weakening of the control of the CPSU over society have become interethnic conflicts... In 1988, an armed conflict began in Nagorno-Karabakh between the Armenians living there and Azerbaijan, which included this autonomy. Then the USSR was shaken bloody events in Fergana and in the Osh region, on the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border. Since 1990, hostilities began between the residents of South Ossetia and Georgia. In 19881990. in the union republics rose national movement and parties were formed (Saiudis in Lithuania, Rukh in Ukraine), Popular Fronts in Latvia and Estonia. The movements in the Baltics initially advocated the economic independence of the republics on the basis of the so-called "republican self-financing", and also demanded "to clarify" the events of 1939-1940 associated with their annexation to the USSR. A year later, having won the elections to the republican Soviets, their leaders set a goal to secede from the USSR. On March 11, 1990, the Supreme Council of Lithuania adopted the Act “On the Restoration of the Independent State of Lithuania”. After a while, similar acts were adopted by Estonia and Latvia. Strengthening of centrifugal tendencies was observed in all republics of the USSR. The "parade of sovereignties" that had begun came as a surprise to the country's leadership and personally to Gorbachev - they did not have any well-thought-out national policy. National conflicts have dramatically revolutionized the situation in the country.
