The 11th day of searching for Maxim Markhaluk, who went missing in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, is underway. Two days after a large-scale operation that took place over the weekend, the village and nearby forests look quite deserted, and the number of volunteers has decreased significantly. The headquarters says that they will not stop the search, and ask the population to be more active in coming to help.
They are searching in the same way, but the scale is no longer the same
On Tuesday at 08:30 in the morning, the stadium of the local school, where life was in full swing on Sunday and dozens of cars were parked, is empty. Now the headquarters of the search and rescue camp has moved to the courtyard local village council. There are two tents here - the search and rescue team "Angel" and the Belarusian Red Cross.
There are several dozen volunteers. The situation was saved by a large team of employees of OJSC "Grodno Azot" - 100 people. Just like on the weekend, the forest is now being combed, but the scale is no longer the same.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
100 employees of OJSC "Grodno Azot" came to help
The volunteers shrug their shoulders: “There are much fewer people, but we understand that many are working and cannot attend.”
The boy could have left bitten apples or mushrooms
“Are there 30 free people here? Stand here, now I’ll count you, make lists. Now you are the group “12-13”. Call me the same. I’ll call you “hey you”, there’s no time to remember names. Sorry, but we There’s no time for sentimentality here,” the coordinator of the “Angel” search and rescue team begins to form new group from volunteers.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
The search team needs to comb a forest of 450 hectares. This square will be examined again. Everyone is advised to take a snack, and be sure to bring water. Bottles are handed out to everyone. Then there is a short briefing.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
“So, guys, we don’t litter in the forest. Not a bull, not a stub, not a piece of candy - nothing should be left behind you. I don’t want to walk around the same square tomorrow and find the apple you bitten and think that a child passed here at night. This is jamb. Do you understand? After this, the entire area will have to be combed again," explains the senior group member.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
The departure point is approximately five kilometers. The team goes here in their cars. Then, on command, people line up in a long chain at a distance of several meters from each other. They have to walk at least seven kilometers - slowly, but without stopping. the main task- look for any traces of life activity.
You need to move through the forest carefully so as not to fall, sprain your leg or get hurt. In such cases, the whole team will have to return, and this is wasted time.
Volunteers come for the day
“My wife and I came from Vaukavysk. I’m a driver, I have a day off today, and my wife works at school. She doesn’t have lessons, so I asked for time off to look for the child,” says Igor.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
This is his second time on the search. Last Friday I went combing the forest in the area of the neighboring village of Porozovo. He remembers that on that day their group saw wolves, scared away a herd of bison, and also found a fresh bed for this animal.
“Why are we coming? It’s a strange question. The family is in grief. If possible, we need to help,” says the man.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
There is also a company of five people who also came for the day. Guys from a village nearby. As soon as found free time, also went here. They say at the call of the heart.
“Lunch? We don’t have lunch. There is the concept of a used square. We’ll comb the assigned area, then we come back, eat and start all over again on a new square,” explains the “Angel” coordinator.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
The headquarters says that there is still enough food in the camp. There are cereals, pasta, stew. Hot food that day was prepared by Red Cross volunteers. Lunch has no set schedule. People arrive as tasks are completed, and some groups have to carry hot food directly into the forest.
One version is that the boy is hiding
“So far, the search has not brought a positive result. The main version is still the same - that the child got lost, but others are being worked out at the same time,” said the representative of the situational headquarters, the head of the Svisloch police department, Valery Romanchuk.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
There are no specific evidence, clues or traces that could at least indirectly indicate the whereabouts of the boy. Coordinators say that the search is complicated by numerous mushroom pickers. They can leave in the forest various items, leftover food, bottles that can become false evidence.
The search group also began to work on a backup version. Now it is not ruled out that the child could have intentionally left home. A separate group examines abandoned buildings and farmsteads. Search groups constantly receive information about food remains found. For example, today we found an abandoned house. It is completely closed, there are no people around, but there is an open window through which a child can crawl.
Information also came from locals that they had seen gypsies. This version will also be tested.
According to the search participants, another not fully verified place where the child could end up is a village dump located in the forest, about a kilometer from residential buildings. The guys say that it is very big. It was not possible to examine her in one day.
A criminal case will not stop the search
The headquarters reported that the search for the boy will continue. The fact that today the Investigative Committee opened a criminal case into the disappearance of Maxim Markhaluk will not in any way affect the work of the police and search and rescue teams.
© Sputnik Valeria Solovyova
The head of the department arrived in Novy Dvor Investigative Committee The Republic of Belarus for the Grodno region, Joseph Leonko, noted that a group of investigators has already been sent to the village and will begin carrying out investigative actions.
“They will interrogate eyewitnesses, find out who the missing child was with and who he spent time with, what his psychological picture, social and living conditions. Let's find out whether there were external motives and incentives to consciously leave home and hide somewhere. Or it was an accident, and the boy got lost in the forest,” Leonko explained.
In fact, the work will begin again, but by carrying out investigative actions. First of all, investigators plan to start with the school staff and parents.
Volunteers are needed in Novy Dvor
On Tuesday, September 26, more than 300 people were involved in the search. These are the Ministry of Emergency Situations, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 100 people from OJSC "Grodno Azot", volunteers, representatives of PSO "Angel", and other organizations.
The headquarters encourages people to come to Novy Dvor more actively on weekdays. There is currently a shortage of both coordinators and regular volunteers.
According to the latest data as of Tuesday evening, September 26, Maxim Markhalyuk has not been found.
The February Revolution took place without the active participation of the Bolsheviks. There were few people in the ranks of the party, and the party leaders Lenin and Trotsky were abroad. Leni arrived in rebellious Russia on April 3, 1917. They correctly understood the basic principles by which the scenario would further develop. Lenin understood perfectly well that the Provisional Government was unable to keep its promises to end the war and distribute the land. This should have prompted a new rebellion in the shortest possible time. The October Revolution of 1917 entered the preparation stage.
By the end of August 1917, a situation had developed in the country where the people had lost faith in the Provisional Government. Demonstrations against the Government took place actively in cities. People's trust in the Bolsheviks grew. Lenin gave Russians simplicity. The simple theses of the Bolsheviks contained exactly the points that people wanted to see. Coming Bolsheviks to power seemed very likely at the time. Kerensky, who opposed Lenin with all his might, knew this.
The Bolsheviks came to power
The RSDLP(b), as the Bolshevik party was called, actively began to expand its ranks. People enthusiastically joined the party, which promised to restore order in the country and distribute land to the people. By the beginning of February, the number of the RSDLP(b) party did not exceed 24 thousand people throughout the country. By September, this number was already 350 thousand people. In September 1917, new elections to the Petrograd Soviet took place, in which representatives of the RSDLP (b) received a majority. The Council itself was headed by L.D. Trotsky.
The popularity of the Bolsheviks grew in the country, their party enjoyed people's love. It was impossible to hesitate; Lenin decided to concentrate power in his own hands. October 10, 1917 V.I. Lenin held a secret meeting Central Committee of his party. There was only one issue on the agenda, the possibility of an armed uprising and seizure of power. According to the voting results, 10 out of 12 people voted for an armed seizure of power. The only opponents of this idea were G.E. Zinoviev. and Kamenev L.B..
On October 12, 1917, under the Petrograd Soviet, it was created new organ, called the All-Russian Revolutionary Committee. The October Revolution of 1917 was entirely developed by this body.
The struggle for the Bolsheviks to come to power has reached an active stage. On October 22, the revolutionary committee sends its representatives to all garrisons Peter and Paul Fortress. Tribunes were placed throughout the city from which the best Bolshevik speakers spoke.
The Provisional Government, seeing a clear threat from the Bolsheviks, with the help of the police, closed the printing house that printed all Bolshevik printed products. In response to this, the Revolutionary Committee put all units of the Garrison on alert. On the night of October 24, the October Revolution of 1917 began. In one night the Bolsheviks captured the entire city. Only resisted Winter Palace, but he also capitulated on October 26. The October Revolution of 1917 was not bloody. People, for the most part, themselves recognized the power of the Bolsheviks. The total losses of the rebels were only 6 people. Thus the Bolsheviks came to power.
Without a doubt, the October Revolution of 1917 was a continuation of the February Revolution, but with a number of changes. The February Revolution was for the most part spontaneous, while October Revolution was carefully planned. The change of political regime and the rise of the Bolsheviks to power hit the country's international authority. There was “devastation” in the country. The new government needed to quickly restore everything that was destroyed as a result of the revolution.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin in his passionate dreams of world revolution
realized that the first step towards realizing this dream should be
armed seizure of a state with its resources, economic
potential and, naturally, with a gold reserve. It must be said that at the same time he
did not mean Russia at all with its eternal economic deficit, huge
public debt and empty treasury. Lenin looked closely at Switzerland,
considering this small country ideal for the implementation of his plans
world domination. Located in the center of Europe, multilingual (ready
International!), entangling the whole world with its golden tentacles through
international banking system, it is Switzerland, according to the leader’s plan, that should
was to become the base from which the revolution would begin its victorious march throughout Europe,
punching its way like a battering ram with thousands of tons of Swiss gold.
Experts believe that Lenin’s “Zurich” dreams were caused by his own
lack of money, because after the death of the mother, money transfers from Russia
stopped coming, and he didn’t know how to earn a living - which caused
he has an exacerbation of schizophrenia with sweet visions that take the form
armored safes of Swiss banks. However, in the clutches of the leader of the proletariat
It was not Switzerland that got in, but, unfortunately, Russia, quickly and effectively
turned into a springboard for world revolution.
Lenin's policy was simple, like everything ingenious. At its core, what is it about?
Ilyich never tired of repeating in his countless speeches, articles, theses and
notes, was laid down as proclaimed in " Communist Manifesto" TO.
Marx's basic idea of socialism, which is that "workers have no
fatherland" and therefore socialists never and under no circumstances
must protect the interests of the state. Such a formulation of the question instantly
gave brilliant results. Today we, having thrown away the husks of delusional
ideological theories and spells, looking at events from the age of seventy-five
distances, perhaps for the first time we will try simple and accessible language
explain what happened in Russia in October 1917. And then much
it will become clearer what happened three quarters of a century later - in August
1991...
And then the following happened. Taking advantage of democratic chaos
after the overthrow of the monarchy, power in the country was seized by the international
terrorist organization, financed in the name of one's own salvation
Germany. This has never happened in the history of mankind. And the fact that it succeeded
came as a complete surprise to the world, no less, however, than to the
its participants are a bunch of multi-tribal adventurers gathered around
its half-mad leader. They were the ones who believed least in their success, and
That's why they behaved accordingly. Keeping it ready foreign passports,
ready at any moment to disappear from Russia as unexpectedly as they were in it
and the Bolsheviks appeared, they began to plunder the country’s national property,
taking it to dark corners and transporting it abroad
At first this was done hastily and ineptly. Nobody knew if it would succeed
Tomorrow the robbery would continue, and therefore everything that was possible had to be taken today.
At the same time, it was necessary to get rid of competition from criminal
elements who did not want to share the loot with the new government, whose slogan “Rob
loot!" - found an immediate response from the multimillion-dollar Russian
mob. However, this slogan did not call for robberies, which they quickly
managed to make sure, since they were mercilessly shot without trial
on the spot.
New power, being a better organized and armed gang,
absolutely did not want to waste precious time on any legal
justification for your actions. However, there was an ideological justification
necessary, and it, having been born in the insanely brilliant sick head of the leader,
its boundless utopianism horrified even his closest accomplices. All
the values plundered by tsarism and the exploiters from the people are taken away
Bolsheviks with the sole purpose of subsequently distributing them equally
among all workers, now freed from any kind of
operation. “My God!” exclaimed the cowardly and naive Bukharin, “is it really possible that
“Can you believe this?” “They will believe it, dammit!” Dzerzhinsky reassured him, and
his eyes glittered narcotically, like diamonds confiscated for
"dictatorship of the proletariat".
Indeed, they believed it! Perhaps because belief in fairy tales, where
good Ivan the Fool, having become king, gives away his entire treasury and the treasury of the executed boyars
to all the people equally, organizing a three-week feast on this occasion,
lived too deeply in the soul of a kind, naive and eternally deceived people.
Those who did not believe in this “fake fairy tale” were shot, drowned in barges,
burned in churches, gassed in basements without trial or investigation. "Be
exemplary merciless! - Ilyich taught. - Shoot without asking anyone and
without allowing idiotic red tape! ". Mass murders, for the first time in the world
innovatively used by the Bolsheviks against their own people, of course,
played their role in enabling a gang of bastards to maintain power, and this
struck the whole world, frivolously predicting the inevitable and imminent
collapse of the bloody regime. The world simply did not know these new "Bolshevik"
methods, and even if I knew, I would never have believed that such methods could be
put into practice in the 20th century, and even in a country that quite recently considered
yourself European.
But the bacillus released by the Bolsheviks turned out to be worse than the KGB bullets.
universal equality. It was she who brought under the banner of international
terrorists, the multi-million Russian masses, precisely in the name of universal
equality, countless expropriations, confiscations,
nationalization, it was on its altar that countless sacrifices were made, namely
she allowed the Bolsheviks to stay in power, and it was because of her that they suffered
the defeat of their opponents, who tried to stop them with the power of logic and reason
mass madness sweeping the country. The madness of Bolshevism is a disease of something
like the frenzy of the nation; Unfortunately, sociologists will make this diagnosis too
too late, believing that psychiatrists should continue to work. "Socialism is
ideology of envy,” Berdyaev defined back in 1918, but, fortunately, he
no one heard, otherwise they would have been destroyed on the spot. Rabies bacillus or
ideology of envy, or both. Let the scientists of the future figure out how to
the people of a huge country who believed in
the possibility of building the Kingdom of God on blood and robbery. In the meantime, people
bleeding and bloody sweat, he waited for his new leaders to begin,
finally, distribute the captured wealth so that the people's commissar and the washerwoman receive
their equally equal shares, events developed, as they say, completely according to
another scenario.
Few people today understand that “created” in October 1918 by Lenin
the world's first Socialist state of workers and peasants, was essentially
its German protectorate until the collapse of Germany, that is, until
November 1918. The Germans, grateful to Lenin for the collapse of the Eastern Front, and
equally for the subsequent collapse Russian Empire, provided
the newborn first-born of all regimes receives military and moral support. The Germans are not
only helped the conspiracy with millions of subsidies from the German General Staff
Bolsheviks against the young and naive Russian democracy, they accepted and
direct participation in the October coup, providing detachments of their own
"prisoners of war" defense of Petrograd from the Cossacks of General Krasnov and leading
bombing and capture of the Moscow Kremlin.
Having thanked the benefactors with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which handed over to the Germans
occupation of almost half of the European part of the former Russian Empire,
Lenin received in return complete freedom of hands on the gang controlled by him
territories. However, they had no idea how much was allocated for this control
time. The Germans gradually began to understand what kind of company they had brought
authorities in Russia, looking with horror at the Bolshevik methods of introducing
promised happiness to the population that fell under their yoke, and they began to think, and not
Should this terrible regime be replaced with some other, more decent one? IN
in principle, this was very easy to do: it took from 48 to 72 hours
German troops for the occupation of Petrograd and Moscow. However, having received
an unheard of gift in the form of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, which they never dreamed of even in
the most beautiful dream, negotiating with representatives of various
political groups of pre-Bolshevik Russia, with surviving members
imperial house, the Provisional Government and the generals and offering
for their assistance in overthrowing the Bolsheviks, the Germans set the only condition:
confirmation of the articles of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty! Everyone disowned with horror
this condition, and the Germans did not make any concessions. Some were destroyed by greed,
others - honesty.
Lenin knew about the German intrigues behind his back and was nervous, with fear
expecting every day that German bayonets would throw him off the All-Russian throne like this
as quickly as they were erected. The situation did not allow wasting time, and it was necessary
pay tribute to Lenin as a “godfather” with iron nerves, who did not immediately give
the dying of fear and panic-stricken accomplices from their
immediate environment.
Later, in a sincere private letter, Nikolai Bukharin enthusiastically
recalled: “Who, if not Lenin, robbed first the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and then
Mensheviks, hit them all on the head, took a baton in his hands, and even with us
spoke only after he decided everything himself. And we were silent and
obeyed, and everything, contrary to theory and program, turned out great!
Denikin near Tula, we were packing our suitcases, there were already fake ones in our pockets
passports and petit-metis, and I, a big bird lover, was seriously planning
to Argentina to catch parrots. But who, if not Lenin, was completely calm and
said and predicted: “The situation has never been worse. But we have always been lucky and
I'll be lucky!"
Couldn't say it any clearer. If we manage to stay in power (and in order to
hold on), it is necessary to concentrate all the country’s wealth in the hands (which is already
and was done), all the bread, all the food, all the housing, in general, everything from which
simply survival depends, and then distribute it so that only
a starving and humiliated man would go for a bread card
work and generally do whatever is ordered. Brilliant and simple. Although not yet
It’s quite clear to whom this brilliant principle applies? Word
“capitalist”, “bourgeois”, “kulak” - some vague concepts, and he himself
Lenin, confused in labels, could not clearly define these concepts with
in terms of income, salary, general condition, lowering lower limit
definitions of “rich classes” up to an income of 100 rubles per month. And no matter what
there was no doubt who was the main object
robbery and violence, Lenin, without any equivocation, explains:
"Power must move from labor conscription to the rich, and
or rather, at the same time it should put on the queue the use of appropriate
principles ( bread card, labor conscription and coercion) to
to the majority of the working people, workers and peasants... Submission should be achieved,
and, moreover, unquestioning to the individual orders of the Soviet leaders,
dictators, elected or appointed, equipped with dictatorial
powers..."
The members of the Central Committee had white lips from fear. This is no longer a class struggle, this is -
war declared on the entire people. Firstly, it's dangerous, and secondly... "But
What will remain of Russia? - faithful Bonch-Bruevich babbles in horror. - After all
this means the complete destruction of Russia in the form in which it existed
1000 years..."
With a sharp movement Lenin thrusts thumbs hands by the armholes of the vest,
the jacket flies open, the slits of the eyes look sharply and unkindly at the Manager
affairs of the Council of People's Commissars. The rest are silent
“Remember, my friend,” says Lenin, turning to Bonch-Bruevich, but
so that everyone can hear - remember, I DON’T CARE ABOUT RUSSIA, FOR I AM -
BOLSHEVIK!" This favorite expression of Lenin became the motto of his accomplices,
who loved to repeat it both appropriately and inappropriately, until Joseph
Vissarionovich did not stuff bullets into their throats, because this terrible phrase
Lenin did not fit in with Stalin’s “heretical” theory about
the possibility of “building socialism in one country.” So there was a war
announced. In an instant, everything that had taken shape over decades was destroyed.
urban infrastructure, all types of trade froze, ceased to exist
service sector. Homeowners and hoteliers who failed
escape, were either killed, arrested, or, at best, thrown out
outside. Showcases that were broken or filled with plywood looked out onto deserted
snow-covered streets of shops and restaurants once famous throughout Europe,
first-class hotels, inns and clubs. But not only them. shops,
shops, inns, workshops and studios, furnished rooms and
boarding houses - everything ceased to exist. Naturally, out of sale
Everything instantly disappeared, and above all, the bread.
“What is the suppression of the bourgeoisie?” Lenin explained. “The landowner can
suppress and destroy by destroying landownership and land
transferred to the peasants. But is it possible to suppress and destroy the bourgeoisie by
Large capital destroyed? Anyone who has studied the ABCs of Marxism knows that
so it is impossible to suppress the bourgeoisie, that the bourgeoisie is born from the commodity
production; under these conditions of commodity production, the peasant who
has hundreds of pounds of extra grain that he does not hand over to the state, and
speculates - what is this? Isn’t this the bourgeoisie?.. That’s what’s scary, that’s where
danger to the social revolution" And, of course, destroying the entire system
trade in the country, any sale of food was immediately announced
speculation (a wonderful word that marched victoriously towards communism all
74 years of the existence of the regime, having outlived the regime itself and, it seems, secured
immortality in our country).
Already on November 10, 1917, speculators were declared enemies of the people, and through
three months in the decree signed by Lenin, a clear instruction is given:
"speculators... are shot at the scene of the crime"
And on the houses, on the fences, on the lamp posts - orders were written everywhere:
"Confiscation of all property and execution awaits those who decide to bypass
existing and issued by the Soviet government laws on the exchange, sale and
coupe..."
The brilliant pen of Zinaida Gippius brought to us the nightmarish reality of that
terrible era: "... due to countless (sometimes contradictory and confused,
but always threatening) decrees, everything was “nationalized” -
"Bolshevized". Everything was considered to belong to the “state” (Bolsheviks).
Not to mention the remaining factories and factories, but also all the shops, all
shops, all enterprises and institutions, all houses, all real estate, almost
all movable property (large) - all this, in theory, came under the control and
state property. The decrees were directed towards the embodiment of this
ideas. It cannot be said that the implementation went smoothly. After all, this is
I just had a desire to take everything into my own hands. And for the most part it ended
destruction and destruction of what was declared “nationalized”.
Seized shops, enterprises and factories were closed, seizure of private
trade led to the cessation of all trade in general, to the closure of all
shops and to the terrible development of illegal, speculative,
thieves. The Bolsheviks had to turn a blind eye to it and
just periodically smash and grab those buying and selling on the streets, in
private premises, markets; markets, the only source of food
for everyone, they were also illegal. Terrorist attacks on
markets, with shootings and killings, ended simply in looting
food for the benefit of the detachment that carried out the raid. Food -
first of all, but since there is no thing that cannot be found on the market, then
the rest was also taken: door handles, bronze candlesticks, ancient
velvet gospel, furniture upholstery... Furniture was also considered property
state, and since you can’t drag a sofa under a hollow one, people tore off the upholstery
and they strove to sell it for at least half a pound of straw bread... You should have seen
how the merchants scattered with squeals, screams and groans at the hearing,
that the Red Army soldiers are close! Everyone grabbed their junk... they ran, pushed,
climbed into empty basements, into broken windows. Buyers also rushed there - after all,
buying in the Council of Deputies is no less criminal than selling, although Zinoviev himself
knows very well that without this crime the Soviet of Deputies would have ended, for
lack of subjects, in 10 days.
Russia is now controlled by an insignificant handful of people, to whom all
the rest of the population, in the vast majority, has a negative attitude and
even hostile. What emerges is a true picture of foreign conquest.
Latvian, German, Austrian, Hungarian and Chinese regiments are finishing up
this picture. The Bolsheviks' personal guard was made up of Latvians and Mongols.
The Chinese shoot those arrested and captured. (I almost wrote
“convicted”, but there are no condemned, because there is no trial of those captured. They are simply
that's how they shoot)... Why not Mongol yoke?. (Igor Bunich “Gold of the Party”, Kyiv, 2000, pp. 6-16)
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was a Russian statesman and political figure, the founder of the Soviet state and the Communist Party. Under his leadership, the date of Lenin’s birth and death of the leader took place - 1870, April 22, and 1924, January 21, respectively.
Political and government activities
In 1917, after arriving in Petrograd, the leader of the proletariat led the October Uprising. He was elected Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (Council of People's Commissars) and the Council of Peasant and Workers' Defense. was a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Since 1918, Lenin lived in Moscow. In conclusion, the leader of the proletariat played key role. It was discontinued in 1922 due to serious illness. The date of Lenin's birth and death of the politician, thanks to his active work, went down in history.
Events of 1918
In 1918, on August 30, a coup d'état began. Trotsky was absent from Moscow at that time - he was on the Eastern Front, in Kazan. Dzerzhinsky was forced to leave the capital in connection with the murder of Uritsky. A very tense situation has developed in Moscow. Colleagues and relatives insisted that Vladimir Ilyich not go anywhere or attend any events. But the leader of the Bolsheviks refused to violate the schedule of speeches by the leaders of the regional authorities. A performance was planned in the Basmanny district, at the Bread Exchange. According to the recollections of the secretary of the Yampolskaya district committee, Lenin’s security was entrusted to Shablovsky, who was then supposed to escort Vladimir Ilyich to Zamoskvorechye. However, two or three hours before the expected start of the meeting, it was reported that the leader had been asked not to speak. But the leader still came to the Bread Exchange. He was guarded, as expected, by Shablovsky. But there was no security at the Mikhelson plant.
Who killed Lenin?
Kaplan (Fanny Efimovna) was the perpetrator of the attempt on the life of the leader. From the beginning of 1918, she actively collaborated with the right Socialist Revolutionaries, who were then in a semi-legal position. The leader of the proletariat, Kaplan, was brought to the place of speech in advance. She shot from a Browning almost point-blank. All three bullets fired from the weapon hit Lenin. The leader's driver, Gil, witnessed the assassination attempt. He did not see Kaplan in the dark, and when he heard the shots, as some sources testify, he was confused and did not shoot back. Later, deflecting suspicion from himself, Gil said during interrogations that after the leader’s speech, a crowd of workers came out into the factory yard. This is what prevented him from opening fire. Vladimir Ilyich was wounded, but not killed. Subsequently, according to historical evidence, the perpetrator of the assassination attempt was shot and her body was burned.
The leader’s health deteriorated, moving to Gorki
In 1922, in March, Vladimir Ilyich began to have quite frequent seizures, accompanied by loss of consciousness. The following year, paralysis and speech impairment developed on the right side of the body. However, despite this serious condition, doctors hoped to improve the situation. In May 1923, Lenin was transported to Gorki. Here his health improved noticeably. And in October he even asked to be transported to Moscow. However, he did not stay in the capital for long. By winter, the Bolshevik leader’s condition had improved so much that he began to try to write with his left hand, and during the Christmas tree in December, he spent the entire evening with the children.
Events of the last days before the death of the leader
As People's Commissar of Health Semashko testified, two days before his death, Vladimir Ilyich went hunting. This was confirmed by Krupskaya. She said that the day before Lenin was in the forest, but, apparently, he was very tired. When Vladimir Ilyich was sitting on the balcony, he was very pale and kept falling asleep in his chair. IN recent months he didn't sleep at all during the day. A few days before her death, Krupskaya already felt the approach of something terrible. The leader looked very tired and exhausted. He turned very pale, and his gaze, as Nadezhda Konstantinovna recalled, became different. But, despite the alarming signals, a hunting trip was planned for January 21. According to doctors, all this time the brain continued to progress, as a result of which parts of the brain “switched off” one after another.
Last day of life
Professor Osipov, who treated Lenin, describes this day, testifying to the leader’s general malaise. On the 20th he had poor appetite and was in a sluggish mood. He didn't want to study that day. At the end of the day, Lenin was put to bed. He was assigned light diet. This state of lethargy was observed the next day; the politician remained in bed for four hours. He was visited in the morning, in the afternoon and in the evening. During the day, an appetite appeared, the leader was given broth. By six o'clock the malaise increased, cramps appeared in the legs and arms, and the politician lost consciousness. The doctor testifies that the right limbs were very tense - it was impossible to bend the leg at the knee. Convulsive movements were also observed in the left side of the body. The seizure was accompanied by increased cardiac activity and increased breathing. The number of respiratory movements approached 36, and the heart contracted at a speed of 120-130 beats per minute. Along with this, a very threatening sign appeared, which consisted of a violation of the correct breathing rhythm. This type of cerebral breathing is very dangerous and almost always indicates the approach of a fatal end. After some time, the condition stabilized somewhat. The number of respiratory movements decreased to 26, and the pulse decreased to 90 beats per minute. Lenin’s body temperature at that moment was 42.3 degrees. This increase was caused by a convulsive continuous state, which gradually began to weaken. Doctors began to harbor some hope for normalization of the condition and a favorable outcome of the seizure. However, at 18.50, blood suddenly rushed to Lenin’s face, it turned red and purple. Then the leader took a deep breath, and the next moment he died. After it was applied artificial respiration. Doctors tried to bring Vladimir Ilyich back to life for 25 minutes, but all manipulations were ineffective. He died of cardiac and respiratory paralysis.
The mystery of Lenin's death
The official medical report stated that the leader had progressed widespread cerebral atherosclerosis. At one point, due to circulatory disorders and hemorrhage into the soft membrane, Vladimir Ilyich died. However, a number of historians believe that Lenin was assassinated, namely: he was poisoned. The leader's condition worsened gradually. According to historian Lurie, Vladimir Ilyich suffered a stroke in 1921, as a result of which the right side of his body was paralyzed. However, by 1924 he was able to recover enough that he was able to go hunting. Neurologist Winters, who studied the medical history in detail, even testified that several hours before his death the leader was very active and even talked. Shortly before the fatal end, several convulsive seizures occurred. But, according to the neurologist, it was just a manifestation of a stroke - these symptoms are characteristic of this pathological condition. However, it was not only and not so much a matter of illness. So why did Lenin die? According to the conclusion of the toxicological examination, which was carried out during the autopsy, traces were found in the leader’s body. Based on this, experts concluded that the cause of death was poison.
Researchers' versions
If the leader was poisoned, then who killed Lenin? After a while they began to move forward different versions. Stalin became the main "suspect". According to historians, it was he who benefited more than anyone else from the death of the leader. Joseph Stalin sought to become the leader of the country, and only by eliminating Vladimir Ilyich could he achieve this. According to another version of who killed Lenin, suspicion fell on Trotsky. However, this conclusion is less plausible. Many historians are of the opinion that it was Stalin who ordered the murder. Despite the fact that Vladimir Ilyich and Joseph Vissarionovich were comrades-in-arms, the former was against the appointment of the latter as the leader of the country. In this regard, realizing the danger, Lenin, on the eve of his death, tried to build a tactical alliance with Trotsky. The death of the leader guaranteed Joseph Stalin absolute power. Quite a lot happened in the year of Lenin's death political events. After his death, personnel changes began in the management apparatus. Many figures were eliminated by Stalin. New people took their place.
Opinions of some scientists
Vladimir Ilyich died in middle age (it’s easy to calculate how old Lenin died). Scientists say that the walls of the leader’s cerebral vessels were less strong than necessary for his 53 years. However, the causes of destruction in brain tissue remain unclear. There were no objective provoking factors for this: Vladimir Ilyich was young enough for this and did not belong to the risk group for pathologies of this kind. Besides, political figure He did not smoke himself and did not allow smokers near him. He didn't have any overweight, no diabetes. Vladimir Ilyich did not suffer from hypertension or other heart pathologies. After the death of the leader, rumors appeared that his body was affected by syphilis, but no evidence of this was found. Some experts talk about heredity. As you know, the date of Lenin’s death is January 21, 1924. He lived a year less than his father, who died at the age of 54. Vladimir Ilyich may have had a predisposition to vascular pathologies. In addition, the party leader was in a state of stress almost constantly. He was often haunted by fears for his life. There was more than enough excitement both in youth and in adulthood.
Events after the death of the leader
There is no exact information about who killed Lenin. However, Trotsky in one of his articles claimed that Stalin poisoned the leader. In particular, he wrote that in February 1923, during a meeting of members of the Politburo, Joseph Vissarionovich announced that Vladimir Ilyich urgently required him to join him. Lenin asked for poison. The leader began to lose the ability to speak again and considered his situation hopeless. He did not believe the doctors, he suffered, but kept his thoughts clear. Stalin told Trotsky that Vladimir Ilyich was tired of suffering and wanted to have poison with him so that when it became completely unbearable, he would end everything. However, Trotsky was categorically against it (at least, that’s what he said then). This episode is confirmed - Lenin’s secretary told the writer Beck about this incident. Trotsky argued that with his words, Stalin was trying to provide himself with an alibi, having actually planned to poison the leader.
Several facts refuting that the leader of the proletariat was poisoned
Some historians believe that the most reliable information in the official doctors' report is the date of Lenin's death. The autopsy of the body was carried out in compliance with the necessary formalities. The General Secretary, Stalin, took care of this. During the autopsy, doctors did not look for poison. But even if there were insightful specialists, they would most likely put forward a version of suicide. It is assumed that the leader did not receive poison from Stalin after all. Otherwise, after Lenin’s death, the successor would have destroyed all the witnesses and people who were close to Ilyich so that not a single trace would remain. Moreover, at the time of his death, the leader of the proletariat was practically helpless. Doctors did not predict significant improvements, so the likelihood of restoration of health was low.
Facts confirming poisoning
It should be said, however, that the version according to which Vladimir Ilyich died from poison has many supporters. There are even a number of facts that confirm this. For example, the writer Soloviev devoted many pages to this issue. In particular, in the book “Operation Mausoleum” the author confirms Trotsky’s reasoning with a number of arguments:
There is also evidence from doctor Gabriel Volkov. It should be said that this doctor was arrested shortly after the death of the leader. While in the detention center, Volkov told Elizabeth Lesotho, his cellmate, about what happened on the morning of January 21. The doctor brought Lenin a second breakfast at 11 o’clock. Vladimir Ilyich was in bed, and when he saw Volkov, he tried to get up and extended his hands to him. However, the politician lost his strength, and he fell onto the pillows again. At the same time, a note fell out of his hand. Volkov managed to hide her before the doctor Elistratov came in and gave a calming injection. Vladimir Ilyich fell silent and closed his eyes, as it turned out, forever. And only in the evening, when Lenin had already died, Volkov was able to read the note. In it, the leader wrote that he was poisoned. Soloviev believes that the politician was poisoned with mushroom soup, which contained dried poisonous mushroom cortinarius ciosissimus, which caused the rapid death of Lenin. The struggle for power after the death of the leader was not violent. Stalin received absolute power and became the leader of the country, eliminating all people he disliked. Year of birth and death of Lenin for Soviet people became memorable for a long time.
The Bolshevik Party's course towards armed uprising
The situation that developed after the July events required a revision of the Bolshevik tactics and their slogans. On July 13, 1917, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party convened a two-day meeting of members of the Central Committee, party committees and the Military Organization in Petrograd. Lenin presented a unique analysis of the political situation in four theses, concluding: “All hopes for the peaceful development of the Russian revolution have completely disappeared. Objective situation: either the victory of the military dictatorship to the end, or the victory of the armed uprising of the workers..."
Lenin’s theses were opposed by V. Volodarsky (M.M. Goldstein), V.P. Nogin, A.I. Rykov and others. Ya.M. Sverdlov, V.M. Molotov and M.A. Savelyev led the fight for the adoption of the course proposed by Lenin.
In the pamphlet “Towards Slogans,” written in mid-July 1917, Lenin proposed new tactics and justified the need to temporarily remove the slogan “All power to the Soviets!”, because, in his opinion, the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menylevist Soviets had become an appendage of the victorious counter-revolution. “Nothing, no force, except the revolutionary proletariat, can achieve the overthrow of the bourgeois counter-revolution. It is the revolutionary proletariat, after the experience of July 1917, that must independently take state power into its own hands - without this there can be no revolution. The power of the proletariat, its support by the poorest peasantry or semi-proletarians, is the only way out...”
And yet, Lenin’s opinion on the seizure of power did not mean a party directive that could only be given by a congress of its members.
While in hiding near the Razliv station near Petrograd, Lenin and his comrade-in-arms Zinoviev carried out a lot of hard work preparing the VI Congress of the Bolshevik Party, although they thought differently.
From July 26 to August 3, 1917, the VI Congress of the RSDLP(b) was held in Petrograd. And although Lenin was underground, he actually led the work of the congress, maintaining close contact with the Central Committee through A.V. Shotman, S.K. Ordzhonikidze, I.V. Stalin, V.I. Zoph and E. Rahu. In conversations with his comrades-in-arms, in letters to the Central Committee, he expressed his views on all the main issues brought up at the congress, and reviewed its draft resolutions.
The order of the day for the congress was:
1) report of the Organizing Bureau;
2) report of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b);
3) reports from the field;
4) current moment:
a) war and international situation;
b) political and economic situation;
5) revision of the program;
6) organizational issues;
7) professional movement;
8) elections, etc.
I.V. delivered a report from the Central Committee and a report on the political situation at the congress. Stalin, with an organizational report - Ya.M. Sverdlov. The reports provided an analysis of the political situation and activities of the party after the April Conference. The resolution “On the Political Situation” emphasized that power could pass into the hands of the proletariat and the poor peasantry only through the armed overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. E.A. opposed the course towards a socialist revolution. Preobrazhensky, N.S. Angarsky (Klestov), N.I. Bukharin and others. They believed that Russia, like its small working class, was not ready for socialist transformations. Success socialist revolution in Russia they were largely determined by the support of the proletariat of Western countries.
The congress noted the growth of the ranks of the Bolshevik Party, its growing influence among the masses, and demonstrated the ideological and organizational cohesion of the Bolshevik organizations, especially soldiers and sailors.
The congress discussed and adopted the party's economic platform, demanding: nationalization and centralization of banks and syndicated enterprises; establishing workers' control over the production and distribution of products; organizing proper exchange between city and countryside; abolition of trade secrets; stopping the issuance of paper money; refusal to pay government debts; transformation of the tax system.
The party called the working people along the path of revolutionary transformation of society. The resolution “On the Economic Situation” stated that the only way out of the critical situation was to eliminate the war and restore the economy destroyed by it “not in the interests of a handful of financial oligarchs, but in the interests of workers and the poorest peasants.
Such a regulation of production in Russia can only be carried out by an organization in the hands of proletarians and semi-proletarians, which presupposes the transfer of state power into their hands.”
Trade unions and youth unions were of great importance in the preparation and implementation of the socialist revolution. The congress called on trade unions to take on the task of organizing the production and distribution of products and establishing workers' control over enterprises. Party members were invited to join trade unions and through them fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat, for socialism. The Party Congress charged party organizations with raising the class consciousness of young workers by promoting the ideas of socialism, protecting their economic and political rights, to unite them with experienced Bolshevik revolutionaries in the fight for socialism.
The decisions of the VI Congress of the RSDLP(b) were aimed at political, organizational and military preparations for taking power. The Bolshevik Party's course towards an armed uprising became a directive for all its members.
Possibility of political compromise
On the same day, on the initiative of the Provisional Government, a State Meeting opened in Moscow, which was attended by representatives of many parties and organizations, the clergy, the army, members State Duma, Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik All-Russian Central Executive Committee. The Bolsheviks boycotted the meeting, considering it a gathering of counter-revolutionary forces. Speech by Prime Minister A.F. Kerensky was nervous and uncertain, although he promised to take all measures to end anarchy and establish order in the country. Supreme Commander-in-Chief L.G. spoke decisively and clearly. Kornilov, who called for the liquidation of all revolutionary democratic organizations for the sake of “saving the country.” N. Chkheidze, speaking on behalf of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, proposed a program for improving the country's health, which combined the implementation of a number of measures of state control in the economy with the preservation of the foundations of capitalist production.
On the opening day of the meeting, the Bolsheviks organized mass strikes in Moscow, although participants in the general meeting of workers' and soldiers' deputies of the Moscow Soviet rejected such actions by a vote of 312 to 214.
The State Conference decided to abolish Soviets and committees in the army; on the transfer of management functions “assigned by the Councils” to municipal bodies; to fight the war “to the bitter end in complete unity with our allies”; about the denial of any “social reforms and social experiments"and about continuing the energetic struggle against the Bolsheviks.
On August 12, Kornilov gave the order to form Georgievsk infantry reserve regiments in Pskov, Minsk, Kyiv and Odessa. It's on their whites St. George's crosses hinted the newspaper “Morning of Russia”: “Who else is so painfully needed now for the cause, for working to save the dying army and with it the Motherland, if not military folk heroes decorated with white crosses?” This is how the White Guard began to form.
Kornilov, relying on the “Union of St. George Knights”, “Military League”, “Union of those who escaped from captivity”, “Union Council Cossack troops", "Union of Military Duty", "Union of Honor and Motherland", "Union for the Salvation of the Motherland", "Union of Army and Navy Officers", as well as the Society for the Economic Revival of Russia, on August 26, 1917, presented Kerensky with an ultimatum on the transfer of "all military and civil power" to the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. The troops of General Krymov were sent to Petrograd.
Kerensky demanded emergency powers from the government.
The All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets and the Executive Committee of the Peasant Soviets at an emergency joint meeting on August 27 adopted a resolution on confidence in the government and the replacement of cadet ministers with “democratic elements.” A Committee was created people's struggle with counter-revolution. The effectiveness of the Committee depended on the participation of the Bolsheviks in its work, followed by the most radically minded workers, soldiers and sailors. Local party organizations were instructed: “In the name of repelling the counter-revolution, work in tactical and informational cooperation with the Council, with complete independence of the political line.”
On the evening of August 31, at a joint meeting of the Soviet leadership, the issue of power was discussed. One of the draft resolution-declarations, approved by members of the Bolshevik Central Committee and representatives of the Bolshevik factions in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, was presented by L. Kamenev, a member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b). It began with a categorical condemnation of the policy of “compliance” and “irresponsibility,” which created the very possibility of turning the Supreme Command and the apparatus of state power into a center and instrument of a conspiracy against the revolution; demanded the removal from power not only of the Cadets, but also of all representatives of the bourgeoisie, arguing that the only way out was to create power from “representatives of the revolutionary proletariat and peasantry.” The main tasks of the new government were to be: the proclamation of a “democratic republic”, the confiscation of landowners’ lands without ransom and its transfer to peasant committees until the decision of the Constituent Assembly; introduction of workers' control over production; nationalization of the most important industries and offering the peoples of the warring countries a universal democratic peace. The proposed resolution-declaration “On Power” put forward immediate measures: an end to all repression directed against the working class and its organizations; cancellation death penalty at the front and the restoration of complete freedom of political agitation and the activities of democratic organizations in the army; removal of the counter-revolutionary command from the army; recognition of the right of small nationalities to self-determination; immediate convening of the Constituent Assembly and abolition of all class privileges.
At that time, August 31 - September 2, 1917, when the Soviets were discussing the issue of power, the Provisional Government declared Russia a republic on September 1, and Kerensky announced the creation of the Directory ("Council of Five"). It included two socialists - the Socialist Revolutionary A. Kerensky and the right-wing Menshevik A. Nikitin, three non-party members - the sugar factory M. Tereshchenko, General A. Verkhovsky and Admiral D. Verderevsky. The directory was created for the operational management of the country during a period of government crisis. Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary leaders of the right and center movements came out in favor of supporting Kerensky and the Directory for the preparation of the upcoming Democratic Conference. On September 2, the Bolshevik resolution “On Power” was rejected by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. He made a decision - to bring the issue of power to the Democratic Conference, and to support Kerensky before its convening. V.Ilenin, on behalf of the Bolshevik Central Committee, sharply criticized the decisions of the Soviets. In a draft resolution on the current situation prepared for the plenum of the Central Committee, he wrote on September 3: “The Soviets that tolerate and support this weak, wavering, unprincipled policy of Kerensky, these Soviets become guilty not only of conciliation, but already of criminal conciliation.”
Lenin's plan to seize power
How did the Bolsheviks come to power? Seeing that the leaders of the Soviets are increasingly compromising with the bourgeoisie, Lenin insists on carrying out an armed uprising as quickly as possible, taking into account the presence and mood of the revolutionary forces fighting the Kornilovites, and crisis state authorities, a sharp deterioration in the situation of the population, especially the working class, due to the war and economic devastation. In directive letters sent by Lenin in mid-September 1917 to the Central Committee, the St. Petersburg and Moscow committees of the RSDLP (b), he wrote: “Having received a majority in both capital Councils of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, the Bolsheviks can and must take state power into their own hands " The specific date for the speech was to be determined by the Bolshevik Central Committee. “The question,” wrote Lenin, “is to make the task clear for the party: to put on the agenda an armed uprising in St. Petersburg and Moscow (with the region), the conquest of power, the overthrow of the government. Think about how to advocate for this without expressing it in print.”
The question of power formed the basis of discussions among participants at the All-Russian Democratic Conference, which opened on September 14, and three points of view emerged on this matter. The right wing of the Menshevik-SR bloc, which made up the majority of the participants in the meeting (I. Tsereteli, N. Avksentyev, etc.), considered it possible to continue the coalition with the Cadets. The center, uniting the Menshevik-internationalists and part of the Socialist Revolutionaries (L. Martov, V. Chernov, etc.), put forward the idea of creating a democratic, practically homogeneous socialist government, based on the Soviets and other democratic organizations. The left - the Bolsheviks - wavered between the position of Lenin and Trotsky, who put forward the demand for the transfer of all power to the Soviets (or rather, the Bolshevik Party, which became their leader) and Kamenev, who was inclined to cooperate with all socialist parties.
It was on the opening day of the Democratic Conference that Lenin wrote a letter to the Central Committee, “The Bolsheviks must take power,” in which he demanded the arrest of not only the government, but also the Democratic Conference.
On September 25, the composition of the third coalition Provisional Government, called by A. Kerensky “the government of saving the revolution,” was announced.
Lenin from Razliv increasingly insistently demands decisive action from his Central Committee, theoretically substantiating the “Advice of an Outsider” and explaining it in his work “Marxism and the Uprising.”
Despite Trotsky's call, supported by Lenin, to boycott the Democratic Conference, the Bolsheviks participated in its work. However, at the first meeting of the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic, (Pre-Parliament) on October 7, in which the Bolsheviks had a clear minority, they made a declaration of a break with the government and the Council of the Republic, declaring: “Only the people themselves can save themselves, and we appeal to the people: long live an immediate, honest democratic peace, all power to the Soviets, all the earth to the people, long live the Constituent Assembly!”
The creation of the new Provisional Government coincided with the beginning of the activities of the new Executive Committee and the new Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, which consisted of 13 Bolsheviks, 6 Socialist Revolutionaries and 7 Mensheviks. L. Trotsky was elected Chairman of the Executive Committee. One of the most key positions ended up in the hands of the Bolsheviks, who began to prepare the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets in the hope that it would decide on the transfer of power to the Soviets, i.e. actually the Bolsheviks. However, according to Lenin: “Waiting for the Congress of Soviets is complete idiocy, because it means missing weeks, and weeks or even days decide everything now. This means a cowardly renunciation of taking power, because on November 1-2 it will be impossible (both politically and technically: the Cossacks will be gathered for the day of the stupidly “prescribed” uprising).” He proposed striking simultaneously from three main points: from St. Petersburg, Moscow and the Baltic Fleet, and starting the uprising immediately. Such decisive tactics of the Bolsheviks were justified by the fact that the government did not yet have the strength, and the masses were most militant. “The taking of power,” Lenin asserted, “is a matter of uprising; his political purpose will become clear after the capture.”
The situation in the country was favorable to the uprising: the masses were driven to despair by devastation and hunger, the government could not establish even basic order of life in the country.
On October 10, 1917, late in the evening a meeting of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party took place. Lenin, Sverdlov, Stalin, Trotsky and others voted for an armed uprising. Kamenev and Zinoviev voted against them, who believed that the revolution did not have enough strength, the Bolsheviks taking power was premature, the issue of power should have been decided by the Constituent Assembly.
On October 12, at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, on the initiative of the left Socialist Revolutionary P. Lazimir, a Provisional Revolutionary Committee (VRK) was formed for the defense of Petrograd, as the Provisional Government was preparing to move to Moscow and was withdrawing troops from the city.
The Military Revolutionary Committee, which was actually led by the Chairman of the Petrosoviet Trotsky, launched decisive actions to seize military-strategic administrative buildings and institutions - telephone, telegraph, railway stations, bridges. Red Guard detachments surrounded cadet schools and troops loyal to the government.
Members of the Party (military-revolutionary) center of the Central Committee were especially active: Bubnov, Dzerzhinsky, Sverdlov, Stalin, Uritsky and leaders military organization RSDLP (b) - Podvoisky, Nevsky, Antonov-Ovseenko. Preparations for the uprising of the Baltic Fleet were carried out by the Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet - Tsentrobalt, chaired by the Bolshevik P. Dybenko. Back in September, Tsentrobalt adopted a resolution on non-recognition of the power of the Provisional Government. At the call of the Bolsheviks, the 240,000-strong military garrison of Petrograd was ready to join the battle. Detachments of workers - the Red Guard - represented a special force.
On October 16, at an extended meeting of the Central Committee, the resolution on the uprising was confirmed. Kamenev and Zinoviev again opposed. On October 18, their position was stated in the left-socialist newspaper Novaya Zhizn. Lenin called them strikebreakers.
The government is trying to prevent the Bolsheviks from seizing power. On October 19, Minister of Justice P. Malyantovich issues an order for Lenin’s arrest. A “crusade” of the Cossacks was scheduled for October 22. The Petrograd Soviet on the same day appoints a review of its forces. The Cossacks, without speaking, declare neutrality. On the morning of October 24, a detachment of cadets and police destroyed a printing house producing Bolshevik newspapers. The Provisional Government discussed the issue of arresting members of the Military Revolutionary Committee and proposed occupying the Smolny Institute, where the Petrograd Soviet was located. The cadets began to take government buildings and train stations under guard, and to build bridges. At 1 p.m., speaking in the Pre-Parliament, Kerensky described the current situation and the actions of the Military Revolutionary Committee as an uprising. The Pre-Parliament passes a resolution demanding that the Provisional Government immediately transfer the land to the peasants and begin peace negotiations with the Germans. Kerensky refused.
On the evening of October 24, Lenin arrived in Smolny, accompanied by Eino Rahja. On the night of October 25, troops subordinate to the Military Revolutionary Committee occupied the Nikolaevsky and Baltic railway stations and the Central Power Station; in the morning - State Bank, Central Telephone Station. "Aurora" entered the Neva.
Kerensky handed over the chairmanship to Konovalov and went to the Northern Fleet headquarters for help.
At 10 o'clock The Military Revolutionary Committee issued an appeal “To the Citizens of Russia,” written by Lenin: “The Provisional Government has been overthrown. State power passed into the hands of the body of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies - the Military Revolutionary Committee, which stood at the head of the Petrograd proletariat and garrison.
The cause for which the people fought: the immediate proposal of a democratic peace, the abolition of landlord ownership of land, workers' control over production, the creation of a Soviet government, this cause is secured.
Long live the revolution of workers, soldiers and peasants!”
At 1 p.m. The Mariinsky Palace, where the Pre-Parliament was located, was occupied.
At 2 p.m. 35 min. A meeting of the Petrograd Soviet opened in the assembly hall of Smolny. To the thunder of applause, Trotsky reported on the results of the uprising. Lenin was greeted with even greater enthusiasm, as he assured those present: “From now on, a new period is dawning in the history of Russia, and this third Russian revolution must ultimately lead to the victory of socialism.”
At 7 p.m. The Provisional Government was presented with an ultimatum. At 21 o'clock. 40 min. The Aurora's shot rang out, serving as a signal for the storming of the Winter Palace, where the government was meeting. At 0 o'clock. 50 min. V.A. Antonov-Ovseenko and G.I. Chudnovsky gave the order to occupy the palace. At 2 o'clock. 10 min. On October 26, the Winter Palace was taken almost bloodlessly - 6 killed and 50 wounded. “The provisional government submits to violence and surrenders!” - said A.I. Konovalov to the bursting revolutionaries.
II All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies
At 22 hours 40 minutes. On October 25, 1917, when the seizure of power was still ongoing and the storming of the Winter Palace was being prepared, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opened in Smolny. Of the 649 delegates who arrived, there were 390 Bolsheviks, 160 Socialist Revolutionaries, 72 Mensheviks and 27 representatives of other parties and groups.
Opening the congress, the Menshevik F. Dan stated that he was doing this “at such an exceptional moment, under such exceptional circumstances...”
The “soft” Bolshevik Kamenev proposed the agenda for the meeting: the question of the organization of power; the question of war and peace; the question of the Constituent Assembly. Secretary of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions Bolshevik Lozovsky (S.A. Drizo), on behalf of all factions, proposed to first hear and discuss the report of the Petrograd Soviet, then give the floor to members of the Central Executive Committee and party representatives, and then only move on to discussing the agenda.
The Menshevik L. Khinchuk and the right-wing Socialist-Revolutionary M. Gendelman officially announced that their factions were leaving the congress in protest against the conspiracy, which “plunges the country into civil strife,” “marks the beginning of a civil war.” Similar statements were made by Bund members R. Abramovich and G. Ehrlich.
Trotsky’s speech sounded like a blow from the whip (a little later Lenin called him “the best Bolshevik” for not recognizing the agreement with the petty-bourgeois parties), who categorically declared; “The uprising of the popular masses does not need justification. What happened was an uprising, not a conspiracy... The masses marched under our banner, and our uprising was victorious. And now they offer us: give up your victory, make concessions, conclude an agreement. With whom? I ask: with whom should we make an agreement? With those miserable bunch of people who left here?.. No, the agreement won’t do here. To those who have left here and who are making proposals, we must say: you are pathetic units, you are bankrupt, your role has been played, and go to where you should be from now on: into the trash can of history!..”
The offended Menshevik internationalist Martov, leaving the congress, said to the Bolshevik delegate from Vyborg Akulov: “Someday you will understand what crime you participated in.”
The second meeting of the congress opened at 21:00 on October 26. It adopted the appeal written by Lenin “To the workers, soldiers and peasants!”, which not only announced that “the congress is taking power into its own hands,” but also presented a short, succinct program of upcoming actions: “The Soviet government will offer immediate democratic peace to all peoples and an immediate truce on all fronts. Will ensure the free transfer of landowners', appanage and monastic lands to the disposal of peasant committees, defend the rights of soldiers by carrying out complete democratization of the army, establish workers' control over production, ensure the timely convening of the Constituent Assembly, take care of the delivery of grain to the city and basic necessities to the countryside, provide all nations inhabitants of Russia have a genuine right to self-determination.”
Indeed, already at the congress documents were adopted declaring the solution to the main issues - the Decree on Peace and the Decree on Land.
At the congress Soviet authority proclaimed in the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
At the conclusion of the congress, a “Provisional Workers’ and Peasants’ Government - the Council of People’s Commissars (SNK)” was elected, consisting of only Bolsheviks, and seven people’s commissars were members of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b).
The idea of calling the new ministers people's commissars was put forward by Trotsky. “Yes, that’s good: it smells like revolution,” Lenin immediately picked up. At Kamenev’s suggestion, they decided to call the government itself the Council of People’s Commissars.
The highest legislative body in the period between congresses of Soviets became the newly elected All-Russian Central Executive committee(VTsIK), which included representatives of all parties included in the Soviets.
The “soft” Bolshevik L. Kamenev was elected the first chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviet Russia.
Establishment of Soviet power locally
The seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in Petrograd did not yet mean their victory throughout Russia. Lenin considered the decisive moment of victory to be at least the establishment of Soviet power in Moscow. The Moscow Bolsheviks learned about the events in Petrograd only at 12 o'clock. October 26. In the evening of the same day, a joint meeting of the Council of Workers' Deputies and the Council of Soldiers' Deputies opened, at which the Military Revolutionary Committee and the Party Center for leading the uprising were formed. Of the 13 members of the Military Revolutionary Committee, five were against the armed uprising.
The Committee of Public Safety also became a contender for power in Moscow.
Under the leadership of the Bolsheviks Y. Yaroslavsky (Gumbelman) and O. Berzin, a company was introduced into the Kremlin, which took the Arsenal under guard. Chairman of the Mossovet V.P., who returned from Petrograd. Nogin went to negotiations with the commander of the Moscow military district K.I. Ryabtsev. The Mensheviks insisted on the subordination of the Military Revolutionary Committee to the Committee of Public Safety. After the Bolsheviks refused, they left the Military Revolutionary Committee. On the evening of October 27, Ryabtsev presented an ultimatum to the Moscow Soviet to dissolve the Military Revolutionary Committee and introduced martial law in Moscow. The Military Revolutionary Committee called on the workers to start a general strike. On October 28, soldiers guarding the Kremlin Arsenal were shot. The general strike developed into an armed uprising. On November 2, the Committee of Public Safety capitulated. Power passed to the Military Revolutionary Committee.
In the Central Industrial Region, Soviet power was established even before its victory in the two capitals of Russia.
In the Central Black Earth region, Bolshevik power was established only at the end of January 1918.
In 79 out of 97 Russian cities, Soviet power was established peacefully.
In the national outskirts, the establishment of Bolshevik power took place in a fierce struggle with bourgeois nationalists.
Military units under the influence of the Bolsheviks (in the Baltics - Latvian Riflemen, in Finland - the Red Army, etc.) and revolutionary detachments from the central regions of Russia, especially Baltic sailors, played a decisive role in the establishment of Soviet power in the national outskirts. The Red Terror and general strikes of workers were widely used.
In order to weaken local resistance to Soviet power, “independent and independent” Soviet republics were created.
Lenin characterized this period as “the triumphal march of Soviet power.”
Sources and literature
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