~United Workers Front
~All-Union Society "Unity - for Leninism and communist ideals." "Bolshevik platform in the CPSU"
~Marxist platform in the CPSU
Communist organizations of the "second wave"
~All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks
~Russian Communist Workers' Party
~Movement "Labor Russia"
~Union of Communists
~Russian Party of Communists
~Communist Party of the Russian Federation
~Union of Communist Parties (UKP-KPSS)
~Roskomsoyuz
~Union of Popular Resistance
Other communist organizations
~Organizations of S. Skvortsov
~Komsomol organizations
~~~~~~VLKSM
~~~~~~Russian Communist Youth Union
~Russian Communist Party (RCP-CPSU)
~Workers' and Peasants' Russian Party
~Lenin's position in the communist movement
~Stalinist organizations
~Independent Marxists
~~~~~~Marxist Workers' Party - Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and its successors.
~~~~~~Democratic Labor Party (Marxist).
~~~~~~Party of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
~~~~~~Socio-political association "Worker".
~Trotskyist movement.
~~~~~~Committee for Workers' Democracy and International Socialism
~~~~~~Socialist Workers' Union
~~~~~~Group "Labor Struggle"
~~~~~~International Communist League of the IV International (Spartacists)
The communist movement is the most consistent exponent of anti-reformist ideology and occupies the opposite flank of the democratic spectrum of the Russian political spectrum. Communists not only deny the need for liberal reforms, but also openly demand a return of the country to the “original” state, and not even to the pre-August state, but to the “pre-Gorbachev” state, and often to the “Dobrezhnev” and “pre-Khrushchev” state.
At the same time, it should be noted that it was the liberalization of the country’s political life that allowed the Russian communist movement to become an independent political force. The CPSU monopoly on power did not leave such an opportunity for the communist movement, not only organizationally, but also ideologically. In organizational terms - because the CPSU was, in essence, not political, but government agency, and the existence of independent factions and platforms within it was prohibited by a resolution adopted at the Tenth Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (1921). In ideological terms - because the CPSU eliminated the diversity of the political spectrum back in the years civil war and thereby actually de-ideologized the country’s social life, not only by outlawing non-communist movements and “abolishing” various shades of communist thought, but also by making communist orthodoxy itself unnecessary. The latter was able to gain ground for independent ideological, and later organizational existence, only thanks to that very “deviation from principles” that it so vehemently opposed.
It was the weakening of the CPSU monopoly on power that created both the occasion and the opportunity for the emergence of the first orthodox-communist and neo-communist proto-organizations: the United Front of Workers (May 1989), the Unity Society (July 1989), the “Marxist Platform in the CPSU” (January 1990), Movement of Communist Initiative (April 1990), "Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU" (October 1990). Formally, all of them had nothing in common with the structures of the CPSU, but in reality their creation was sanctioned by the most conservative part of the party nomenklatura. On the basis of these associations, after August 1991, a number of communist parties were created to varying degrees orthodoxy - from the Stalinist All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks (formed on the basis of Unity and the Bolshevik Platform) and the Russian Communist Workers' Party (based on the Communist Initiative Movement) to the neo-communist Union of Communists and the Russian Party of Communists (based on the Marxist Platform). Throughout 1992, various newly formed organizations of communist orientation repeatedly made attempts to restore a single communist party, but they, as a rule, were not successful due to the claims of each organization to hegemony in the unification process.
The first such attempt was made by the All-Union Committee of Communists, headed by S. Skvortsov. In July 1992, this committee held the so-called “XXIX Congress of the CPSU”. However, the rest of the communist organizations in Russia did not recognize the decisions of this congress. Another attempt was made by the Union of Communists, whose leaders, having gathered 46 (out of more than 400 members) of the “old” CPSU Central Committee, held the so-called in June 1992. "plenum of the CPSU Central Committee", which caused protest from other communist organizations. At the plenum, the “Organizing Committee of the CPSU Central Committee” was formed, which in October 1992 convened the so-called. "XX Party Conference of the CPSU", and on March 26-27, 1993 - "XXIX Congress of the CPSU". The congress approved the new name of the party - "Union of Communist Parties - Communist Party Soviet Union". The leader of the SKP-CPSU became former secretary CPSU Central Committee, member of the State Emergency Committee Oleg Shenin.
Such unification attempts were met with the most severe resistance from the largest communist organization at that time - the RCRP, which insisted that the unification of Russian communists take place precisely on its basis - through the entry of the remaining communist parties into the RCRP. This demand was, in particular, put forward by the party at a meeting organized by the PKK of representatives of republican and regional communist parties operating in the territory of the former USSR (August 8-9, 1992). The majority of the meeting participants refused to join the RCWP and decided to create the Russian Coordination and Advisory Council - the so-called. Roskomsoveta, whose task was to hold a unification conference. For this purpose, the “Initiative Committee for Convening the Congress of Communists of Russia” was formed, to work in which a group of members of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, headed by V. Kuptsov, was invited. At first, the majority in the Roskomsovet belonged to the RCWP and the Socialist Workers' Party, but later representatives of the RCWP were pushed into the background by SPT activists. Even before the end of the work of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, which considered the issue of the legality of the presidential decree banning the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, the Initiative Committee refused to sign an appeal calling for the revival of the CPSU and the re-creation of the USSR, and from the organizing committee of the unification congress of communists actually turned into the organizing committee of the restoration congress of the Communist Party of Russia . On February 13-14, 1993, the “II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (restoration and unification)” was held, at which it was announced that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was being restored, of which G. Zyuganov was elected leader. A significant part of the local organizations of the SPT (about 90%) and the RCRP transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
At the same time, representatives of the RCWP, RPK and VKPB held an “alternative congress of communists of Russia”, which recognized the RCWP as the legal successor of the Communist Party of the RSFSR and expelled the organizers of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (V. Kuptsov, G. Zyuganov, I. Antonovich, etc.) from the Communist Party of the RSFSR “for anti-communist liquidation activities” . In August 1993, representatives of the Russian Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Lenin Platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the All-Union Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Russian Communist Party and the Union of Communists decided to restore the Roskomsovet, which had suspended its activities after the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
Subsequently, relations between various centers of the communist movement were complex and confusing. First of all, it should be pointed out that the communist parties created on the basis of “informal” communist organizations of the period 1989-91. and from the autumn of 1992 to the beginning of 1993, who formed the backbone of the Russian communist movement (RKRP, VKPB, RPK, SK, etc.), after the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the SKP-CPSU, they again found themselves in the position of marginals. Apparently, for ordinary communists it turned out to be very important to what extent the new communist parties could be considered the legal successors of the CPSU - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the SKP-CPSU were, as they say, direct heirs, while the succession of the organizations grouped around the “restored” Roskomsovet was quite indirect . There were significant differences between the member parties of the RKS, calling themselves “left communists,” and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on issues of strategy and tactics. Thus, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation allowed for the existence of private property, a mixed economy, a multi-party system and was quite cautious about the restoration of the “socialist system”, trying to present its demands in the least “communist” language possible, for which it was criticized by left-wing communists who accused the Zyuganovites of “ bourgeois opportunism" and for the most part demanded the full restoration of the "socialist planned economy", "working people's power", etc. In addition, after the events of September-October 1993, the member parties of Roskomsovet advocated a boycott of the elections to the Federal Assembly, while the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took part in them and received representation in the State Duma.
As for the SKP-CPSU, it was not so much the third center of the communist movement as an arena of struggle between the “left” and the “right”. At first, among the Russian communist parties, the SKP-CPSU included only the Union of Communists of A. Prigarin, the “Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU” and the “Lenin Platform” of R. Kosolapova, which left the RCWP. In the spring of 1994, the RCRP joined the SKP-CPSU as an associate member (in March 1995 it became a full member). Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, who initially refused to participate in the “XXIX Congress of the CPSU,” were later forced, under pressure from ordinary members, to establish contacts with the leadership of the UPC-CPSU. In May 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided to join the UPC-CPSU as an associate member, and in April 1994 it decided to “consider itself an integral part of the Union of Communist Parties while maintaining organizational independence, program and statutory documents.” After this, the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994 accepted the Communist Party of the Russian Federation into its ranks. In March 1995, the PKK joined the UPC-CPSU as an associate member. Thus, by the spring of 1995, representatives of both the “left” and “right” wings joined the Union of Communist Parties, turning the UPC-CPSU into a kind of arena for a demonstrative “battle.” The Communist Party of the Russian Federation emerged victorious: by the beginning of 1995, its representatives owned the majority in the Political Executive Committee of the UPC.
During the election campaign to the Second State Duma, the “left” (represented by the RCRP) and the “right” (represented by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) held negotiations on the possibility of creating a single communist electoral bloc (the decision on its formation was made in July 1995 by the XXX Congress of the UPC-CPSU) . They managed to agree on the creation of a bloc called "Communists of Russia", but further negotiations reached a dead end. When discussing the issue of forming a federal bloc list, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation demanded that we proceed from the size of both parties and offered the RKRP only a tenth of the seats on the list. The RCRP was not happy with this option. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation participated in the elections independently, and the RCRP, together with the Union of Communists (A. Prigarin), the Russian Communist Party (RCP-CPSU, created by A. Prigarin in April 1995) and the Russian Party of Communists, established at the end of August 1995 . electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union." At first, the intention to join the bloc was expressed by another radical communist organization - the Union of Popular Resistance (leader - S. Umalatova) (in connection with this, the bloc itself was supposed to be called "Communists - Labor Russia - SNS"), but just before the establishment of the bloc, the SNS refused from this intention he took part in the creation of the electoral bloc “Our Future” (its electoral list was not registered by the Central Election Commission). One of the parts of the split All-Union Communist Party of Belarus (headed by N. Andreeva) was also invited to participate in the bloc, but again, as in 1993, it took a boycott position. Another part of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus (headed by A. Lapin) took part in collecting signatures in support of another communist electoral association, created on the basis of the Union of Communists S. Stepanov - V. Markov (this association was unable to collect the 200 thousand signatures required for registration).
On December 17, 1995, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation recruited greatest number votes during elections both on federal lists (22.3%) and in single-mandate constituencies (58 people), thus receiving 157 seats in the State Duma of the 2nd convocation. The bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union" did not overcome the 5% barrier, gaining 4.53% of the votes, and in single-mandate constituencies only one of its candidates was elected (V. Grigoriev).
On the eve of the presidential elections, the majority of Russian communist parties supported the candidacy of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov (except for the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus N. Andreeva, who again decided to boycott the elections). At the same time, the agreement on joint actions in its support, in addition to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the SKP-CPSU, was signed only by the movements “Working Russia” (V. Anpilov) and “Working Moscow” (M. Titov). The rest of the left communist parties stated that they would provide G. Zyuganov with “conditional support”, i.e. will call on their supporters to vote for the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but will not join the “Block of People’s Patriotic Forces” created by the Agreement, so as not to share with him responsibility for the provisions of his election platform.
5.1. Communist organizations of the "first wave"
5.1.1. United Workers Front
Story. The OFT was formed by adherents of orthodox communist views, concerned about the “wrong” course of perestroika, “the desire of certain forces to change the social essence of the CPSU,” “attempts to discredit Marxism-Leninism,” and who set as their goal the struggle for “the communist guidelines of perestroika” and “the implementation in practice of Lenin’s Declaration of the Rights of Working and Exploited People." In fact, the OFT was not even a conservative, but a “reactionary-romantic” movement within the CPSU. His goal was not simply to restore the pre-perestroika situation, but to implement the ideals that supposedly took place at the dawn of Soviet power.
The founding congress of the OFT of the USSR was held in Leningrad on July 15-16, 1989. Delegates not only from the RSFSR, but also from a number of union republics (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova) took part in it. The congress adopted the Declaration on the formation of the OFT and formed a Coordination Council of representatives of regional OFT organizations. However, as a union structure, the OFT existed only on paper. Only the United Front of Workers of the RSFSR, created in September 1989, was actually active. Among the organizers of the OFT of the RSFSR were People's Deputy of the USSR Veniamin Yarin, who became one of the co-chairs of the OFT of the RSFSR, economist Alexey Sergeev, candidate of philosophical sciences Vladimir Yakushev, worker Nikolai Polovodov, former editor magazine "Communist" Richard Kosolapov and others.
At the II Congress of the OFT of the RSFSR (January 1990), a number of Front members took part in the creation of the Communist Initiative Movement (the main goal of the DKI was the formation of an orthodox Communist Party of Russia). The III Congress of the OFT of the RSFSR (March 2-3, 1991) sharply criticized the policies of M. Gorbachev as “right-wing opportunist, capitulatory, disastrous for the party” and expelled from the ranks of the Front one of the leaders of the OFT V. Yarin, who, after joining the Presidential Council, began support the course of the President of the USSR.
After Russian President B. Yeltsin banned the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR by decree in November 1991, the Russian Communist Workers' Party and the Labor Russia movement were formed on the basis of the OFT and DKI organizations, and most of the members of local OFT branches concentrated their efforts at work in their regional offices.
In the fall of 1992, the OFT split into two parts. One of them, led by V. Stradymov, held the “IV Extraordinary Congress” of the OFT of Russia on October 3-4, 1992, without notifying the co-chairman of the Front V. Yakushev and not allowing his supporters to attend the event. V. Yakushev’s group did not recognize the IV Congress as legitimate and announced its intention to hold its own IV Congress of the OFT, but never carried it out. In December 1993, V. Stradymov, as a representative of the OFT, took part in the founding congress of the Workers' and Peasants' Russian Party, formed by a group of supporters of M. Popov that broke away from the RCRP.
Subsequently, only supporters of V. Stradymov showed signs of life. On June 17, 1995, they convened the V Congress of the OFT of Russia and decided to participate in the elections to the Second State Duma as part of a “single bloc of workers’ organizations.” However, in the end, the OFT did not join any of the formed electoral associations of communist orientation. In January 1996, the OFT Executive Committee decided not to nominate its own candidate for the presidency and not to support any of the “outsiders.”
Program guidelines. The declaration on the formation of the OFT of the USSR set the goal of the organization “to unite the efforts of people of all nationalities in the struggle for the communist guidelines of perestroika, to improve the lives of the people”, “to implement in practice the Leninist Declaration of the Rights of the working and exploited people.” The main political objectives of the OFT were named: “strengthening the unity of society on the basis of socialist interests and communist goals of the working class”, “participation of workers in the management of society”, “formation of Councils of Deputies of workers of production enterprises as the primary cells of Soviet power”, “implementation of elections of people’s deputies in basis production units". In the field of economics, the OFT opposed any market reforms.
After August 1991, the OFT, like all orthodox communist organizations, took a pronounced anti-market and anti-government position. Adopted by the OFT Executive Committee on January 21, 1996, the resolution “OFT Tactics in modern stage“put forward the following as its main demands: “abolition of all government positions not under the control of the people, primarily the presidential position”; “nationalization of banks and industry”; “replacement of bourgeois parliaments with Soviets elected on the production-territorial principle, the power of the working people themselves”; “restoration of social guarantees and rights taken away from working people”; “eradication of fascism and nationalism”, etc.
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. In its heyday (1989-90), the number of OFT was 3-4 thousand people. The OFT of the RSFSR had any significant organizations in Moscow and Leningrad (200-300 people each), in Tyumen, Novgorod, Ryazan, Yaroslavl, Tomsk, Novosibirsk, Astrakhan. After August 1991, actual OFT organizations remained only in St. Petersburg and Astrakhan (in Astrakhan, OFT members created a regional Council of Workers, which has branches at 22 enterprises in the region), and the number of OFT was reduced to several hundred people.
The governing body of the OFT of the RSFSR is the Coordination Council, the first composition of which was elected at the III Congress (March 2-3, 1991). It included 46 members, including three co-chairs: Vladimir Yakushev (Moscow), Nikolay Polovodov (St. Petersburg), Evgeny Khanin (Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky). At the IV (“extraordinary”) congress, held by supporters of V. Stradymov on October 3-4, 1992, the institution of co-chairs was abolished, and the Executive Committee of 7 people was elected as the governing body.
5.1.2. All-Union Society "Unity - for Leninism and Communist Ideals." "Bolshevik platform in the CPSU"
Story. The Unity Society was created by supporters of Nina Andreeva, the author of the article “I Can’t Give Up Principles” (Soviet Russia, March 13, 1988), who criticized the course of “perestroika and glasnost” from the standpoint of orthodox Stalinism. At the First Conference of "Unity" (May 18-20, 1989), N. Andreeva was elected chairman of the Coordination Council of the society. In 1990, at the Unity conferences, the question of re-establishing the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was repeatedly raised, but each time such a step was recognized as untimely and a decision was made to “continue the fight against revisionism while being inside the CPSU.”
The III Unity Conference, held on October 27-28, 1990, spoke in favor of the creation of a “Bolshevik platform in the CPSU.” The first conference of supporters of the “BP in the CPSU” took place on July 13-14, 1991. At it, the organizing committee of the “Extraordinary XXIX Congress of the CPSU” was formed, the resolution “On no confidence in the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev” and the Declaration on the formation of the “Bolshevik platform in the CPSU” were adopted. , the author of which was Nina Andreeva’s husband Vladimir Klushin.
After the decision of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to suspend the activities of the CPSU, most of the Bolshevik Platform, led by N. Andreeva and A. Lapin, held the founding congress of the All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks on November 6, 1991, which elected N. Andreeva as general secretary of the party. Another part of the BP, led by the chairman of the ideological commission T. Khabarova, announced the preservation of the “Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU” as an independent organization, calling on its supporters not to recognize the dissolution of the CPSU.
The "Bolshevik Platform" initiated the "direct" re-creation of the CPSU, actively participated in the activities of the "Skvortsov group", was invited to the plenum of the CPSU Central Committee on July 13, 1992, introduced its representative (T. Khabarova) to the organizing committees of the "XX All-Union Party Conference" and " XXIX Congress of the CPSU". In October 1992, at the II interregional conference of its supporters, the Bolshevik Platform adopted the “Program Statement for the XXIX Congress of the CPSU” and elected T. Khabarova as secretary-coordinator of the BP. T. Khabarova also became a representative of the Bolshevik Platform in the Coordination Council of the Labor Russia movement. In February 1993, the Bolshevik Platform sent its delegates to the “Second Restoration Congress” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but did not participate in the further activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
At the “XXIX Congress of the CPSU”, the “Bolshevik Platform” entered as a collective member of the UPC-CPSU, and its leader T. Khabarova joined the Council and the Political Executive Committee of the Union of Communist Parties, where she took a tough “unitarist” position, insisting on the revival of a single Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Union. Due to growing disagreements on this basis (the idea of creating a confederation of communist parties eventually prevailed in the leadership of the UPC-CPSU), T. Khabarova resigned from the Political Executive Committee in January 1994, and in April 1995 from the Council of the UPC-CPSU.
The "Bolshevik Platform" boycotted the elections to both the 1st (December 12, 1993) and the 2nd State Duma (December 17, 1995).
"BP in the CPSU" was the initiator of the creation of the Union of Citizens of the USSR, put forward by the expanded plenum of the Platform Organizing Committee (July 24, 1993). In order to hold the “Congress of Citizens of the USSR” in the summer of 1994, she created the movement “For the Soviet Union”. Participants in the movement appealed to all parties, movements, groups operating in the territory of the former Union, advocating the restoration of the USSR, Soviet power and socialist social system, with an appeal to recognize as their program document the 1977 Constitution of the USSR “without the Gorbachev-Yeltsin amendments” and to launch a mass gathering signatures for the revival of the Soviet Union. At the “Congress of USSR Citizens” held on October 28-29, 1995, in which anyone who considered himself a citizen of the USSR could take part, a split occurred. The congress delegates were divided into supporters of A. Kozlobaev, who advocated direct election at the congress Supreme Council USSR, and supporters of T. Khabarova, who proceeded from the fact that the Congress can only lay claim to constituent power and therefore proposed to form the Executive Committee of the Congress. Unable to agree on positions, both groups adopted separate Declarations. The declaration proposed by T. Khabarova declared the “Congress of Citizens of the USSR” and the bodies formed by it to be an institution “representing this moment Soviet people,” and proposed that Soviet citizens living on the territory of the USSR within the 1985 borders unite into Committees of Citizens of the USSR, “automatically” restoring the application of Soviet laws in the territories of their residence.
Program guidelines. The goal of "Unity" and "BP in the CPSU" was the fight against "revisionism" within the CPSU and a return to "Stalinist-Leninist norms" in the political and economic life of the country. Currently, the Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU considers not only the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but also the parties of Roskomsoyuz to be “right-wingers.” “BP in the CPSU” advocates the immediate restoration “in person” of Soviet power, the USSR and the CPSU, and against the participation of communists in the activities of the State Duma as a body of “bourgeois power.” Due to the peculiarities of its program settings, “BP in the CPSU” is not registered with the justice authorities.
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. By the beginning of 1996, the “BP in the CPSU” was an association of a number of organizations guided by the charter of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU and the program documents of the Bolshevik Platform. Groups of this kind operate in Moscow, Odessa, Rostov-on-Don and Birobidzhan and have several dozen members each.
The governing body of the "BP in the CPSU" is the Organizing Committee, elected at the 1st conference (July 13-14, 1991) and re-elected at the 2nd interregional conference (October 3, 1992). The leader of the “BP in the CPSU” is Tatyana Khabarova, who was elected secretary-coordinator of the BP at the II Conference.
5.1.3. "Marxist platform in the CPSU"
Story. Unlike the others that arose in 1989-90. communist groups and movements, the “Marxist Platform” was founded by heterodox communists who recognized the need for freedom of opinion within the CPSU and advocated the “creative development of Marxism.”
"MP in the CPSU" was formed by a number of informal Marxist clubs after the All-Union Conference of Party Clubs and Party Organizations (January 20-21, 1990), at which the "Democratic Platform in the CPSU" was created. Not agreeing with the course determined at the conference, “communists who stand on the positions of Marxism” (Club of Marxist Studies at Moscow State University - A. Buzgalin, Foundation for Social Initiatives - S. Skvortsov, former Communist Section of the Moscow Party Club - A. Prigarin, etc.) held in April 1990, the 1st conference of supporters of the “Marxist platform in the CPSU”.
Until August 1991, there were two trends in the Marxist Platform. One, led by A. Prigarin, advocated an alliance with the United Front of Workers and the Communist Initiative Movement. The other, led by A. Buzgalin and A. Kolganov, gravitated towards cooperation with the Democratic Movement of Communists (that part of the “Democratic Platform”, which after the XXVIII Congress remained in the CPSU and in the summer of 1991 acted as one of the initiators of the creation of the Democratic Party of Communists Russia). At the III conference "MP in the CPSU" (November 17-18, 1990), supporters of A. Buzgalin and A. Kolganov created the "Marxism-XXI" faction, which, while remaining part of the "Marxist Platform", joined the Democratic Democratic Party.
After August 1991, supporters of the MP formed several political organizations: the Union of Communists (A. Prigarin), the Russian Party of Communists (A. Kryuchkov), the Labor Party (A. Buzgalin and A. Kolganov), “CPSU S. Skvortsova”. The last party, however, did not advance beyond the stage of founding measures. The Marxist Platform itself did not cease to exist and retained the status of an independent organization. Leading positions in it were occupied by representatives of the Union of Communists.
Program guidelines. The principles of the “Marxist Platform”, confirmed by the conference on September 7-8, 1991, are “socialist choice”, “communist perspective”, “public ownership of the means of production”, “power of the Soviets”, etc.
Governing bodies. Number. Leaders. The governing body of the MP is the Coordination Council. The co-chairs of the organization during its creation were Alexey Prigarin, Viktor Isaychikov, Valery Ershov. Currently, the size of the “Marxist Platform” has been reduced to a few people and V. Isaychikov mainly speaks on its behalf.
5.2. Communist organizations of the "second wave"
5.2.1. All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks
Story. The All-Union Communist Party of Belarus was created by supporters of Nina Andreeva after the dissolution of the CPSU on the basis of the Unity society and part of the Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU. The founding congress of the party took place on November 8, 1991.
In the spring of 1993, the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus took part in the “reconstruction” of the SKP-CPSU, and in August of the same year it participated in the restoration of the Roskomsovet and the establishment of the Roskomsoyuz. During the election campaign to the Federal Assembly in the fall of 1993, the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus, together with other members of the RKS, advocated a boycott of the elections and referendum on the new Constitution. After representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received a majority in the leadership of the UCP-CPSU, the All-Union Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided to withdraw from the Union of Communist Parties (April 1995) and concentrate efforts on “preserving the unity of communist forces, primarily within the framework of Roskomsoyuz.”
By the summer of 1994, a split in the leadership of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus finally took shape between N. Andreeva and the Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus, Alexander Lapin, who demanded the holding of the Second Party Congress and an adjustment of the party line in order to take into account new realities. The matter ended with N. Andreeva expelling A. Lapin and his supporters from the party. In response, A. Lapin announced the creation of the organizing committee of the Second Extraordinary Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus. The congress took place on July 1-2, 1995. At it, a new program and charter of the party were adopted, as well as decisions on the registration of the party, on participation in the elections to the Second State Duma and bodies local government. A new composition of the Central Committee was elected, at a meeting of which A. Lapin was elected first secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus. Supporters of N. Andreeva did not recognize the legitimacy of holding the Second Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus and regarded it as a “provocation.”
During the elections to the Second State Duma of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus N. Andreeva continued to adhere to the boycott position. All-Union Communist Party of Belarus A. Lapina took part in the election campaign as part of the electoral association "Union of Communists", created on the basis of S. Stepanov's Investigative Committee (the association did not collect the required number of signatures in its support).
On February 24-25, 1996, the Second Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus of N. Andreeva took place, at which another split occurred - supporters of the first secretary of the Leningrad regional committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus (A), secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Russian Federation Georgy Kaspiev, who advocated support for the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the presidential elections, were expelled from the party G. Zyuganov. The congress decided to boycott the presidential elections. In June 1996, N. Andreeva publicly accused the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov of revisionism, expressed in the rejection of the key provisions of Marxism-Leninism, and called on her supporters not to provide him with any support.
The party was not registered with the justice authorities for reasons of principle, but at present the A. Lapin All-Union Communist Party of Belarus has set itself such a task.
Program guidelines. The program of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus adopted at the founding congress (November 8, 1991) declared the continuity of the party in relation to the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in the form in which it existed until the mid-50s. The party declared its program goals: in the socio-economic field - the restoration of “the dominance of socialist property”, “the state monopoly of foreign trade”, “the social rights of workers guaranteed by the Constitution of 1977”, “renewal in the modern scientific level planned economic system", "cessation of the forced de-collectivization of the countryside"; in the field of politics and ideology - "restoration of the Soviet state, performing the functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat as the organ of power of the working class." VKPB for a long time opposed the use of " parliamentary forms struggle" and only at the beginning of 1994 allowed the possibility of participation in elections to local government bodies. However, in parliamentary elections In 1995, only the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus of A. Lapin took part, while the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus of N. Andreeva boycotted them.
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. The number of VKPB at the end of 1991 - beginning of 1992 was estimated at several thousand people. After the transfer of a significant part of the functionaries to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in early 1993, the number of the party was reduced to several hundred people.
The governing body of the party was the Central Committee (15 members and 4 candidates) elected at the founding congress (November 8, 1991). N. Andreeva was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee, Anatoly Belitsky, Georgy Kaspiev, Alexander Lapin were elected as secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus. In December 1994, the plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus expelled A. Lapin from the party for “leaderism and anti-party activities,” after which he created and headed the organizing committee of the Second (Extraordinary) Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus. The congress elected a new Central Committee of 7 people, at the first meeting of which A. Lapin was elected first secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus. On February 24, 1996, another secretary of the Central Committee, G. Kaspiev, was expelled from the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus (A).
5.2.2. Russian Communist Workers' Party
Story. The RCWP united orthodox communists, who until August 1991 were grouped around the Communist Initiative Movement, which aimed to create a Russian Communist Party within the CPSU on the basis of the United Front of Workers. In 1990, three stages of the Initiative Congress of Communists of Russia took place - in April, June and October. The Organizing Bureau formed at the congress was headed by Viktor Tyulkin, Mikhail Popov, Alexey Sergeev and others. At the Second Initiative Congress of the Russian Communist Party, held in April and June 1991 (in two stages), a resolution was adopted on “political distrust of the anti-people course pursued by Gorbachev’s anti-communist faction ", and it was decided to demand the resignation of M. Gorbachev from the post of Secretary General of the CPSU. The movement of participants in the Initiative Congresses of the RCP received the name “Movement of Communist Initiative” at the congress. It was also decided to transform the movement from Russian to all-Union.
In November 1991, on the basis of the DKI, the Russian Communist Workers' Party was created, the Central Committee of which included V. Tyulkin, A. Sergeev, M. Popov, V. Anpilov, Yu. Terentyev, R. Kosolapov and others.
In March 1992, the RCRP signed an agreement on the creation of a “united opposition”, but refused to join the National Salvation Front formed in October of the same year on the basis of the latter, and at the second stage of its founding congress (December 1992) it removed those from the Central Committee members who, without the sanction of the party, entered the governing bodies of the Federal Tax Service (R. Kosolapov, V. Yakushev, I. Yepisheva). In the summer of 1992, the RCWP was one of the initiators of the creation of Roskomsovet, which aimed to unite Russian and Soviet communists, but by November 1992, party representatives were ousted from the RCS by supporters of the Socialist Party of Working People. On February 13, 1993, representatives of the RCWP took part in the first day of the meeting of the Second Extraordinary (Restoration) Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but then left the congress, declaring the RCWP to be the sole successor of the “old” Communist Party of the RSFSR. The RCWP held a “parallel” Second Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, which, however, did not have any organizational consequences. On March 26-27, 1993, representatives of the RCWP took part in the “XXIX Congress of the CPSU” as observers, and in the spring of 1994 the party joined the UPC-CPSU as an associate member (in March 1995 it became a full member). In the summer of 1993, the RCRP participated in the re-establishment of Roskomsovet, in which it took a dominant position.
Members of the RCRP and " Labor Russia" took an active part in the defense of the House of Soviets in September - October 1993, and the first secretary of the Moscow party committee, Viktor Anpilov, was even arrested. The consequence of this was the election of V. Tyulkin as first secretary at the II Congress of the RCRP (December 3-4, 1993) Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCWP, which subsequently led to a sharp deterioration in relations between him and V. Anpilov, released under the amnesty. At the same time, on December 4-5, 1993, supporters of the Secretary of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCWP, Mikhail Popov, held the founding congress of the Workers' and Peasants' Russian Party, designed to become “legal.” alternative" RCRP, whose activities were temporarily suspended after October 4, 1993. Like other member parties of Roskomsovet, RCRP boycotted the elections to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and the referendum on the new constitution that took place on December 12, 1993.
In the summer of 1995, the RCRP was one of the initiators of the creation of the electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union", which received 4.53% of the votes in the elections on December 17, 1995.
In the presidential elections, the RCWP decided to support the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov, but not to join the “Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces” created in his support until a bilateral agreement was signed between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the RCRP at the level of the Central Committees. The V Congress of the RCRP (April 20-21, 1996) condemned V. Anpilov for attempting to use the Labor Russia movement “for tactical purposes different from the practice of party struggle” (V. Anpilov signed an Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov) and “the desire to place the movement above the party.”
Program guidelines. In the Program Statement adopted by the founding congress of the RCWP (November 23-24, 1991), the goals of the RCWP were called “preservation and strengthening single state- USSR", "preservation and development of a single national economic complex created by the labor of people", "ensuring by the Soviet state the socio-economic development of the country, free education, medical care, housing easily accessible to all." These goals, the document said, can be achieved " not by bourgeois-type parliaments, but by Workers' Councils, with full power in both politics and economics."
In January 1992, at a joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the RCRP, the Party's "Emergency Action Program" was adopted and later published in the newspaper "Molniya", some of the provisions of which (accusations against the country's leadership of inciting social discord and civil war, political calls for military personnel, a call to hoist the USSR national flag over the Kremlin by November 7, 1992) were the reason for the Ministry of Justice issuing an official warning to the party.
At the July and September (1992) plenums of the Central Committee of the RCWP, the “Leningrad” (M. Popova) and not the “Moscow” (R. Kosolapova) draft of the party program was approved. During the discussion of the projects, the Moscow organization accused opponents of underestimating the social consequences of the scientific and technological revolution, and the St. Petersburg organization criticized the Muscovites for using a “bourgeois concept - human rights” in their project. (At the end of December 1992, at the second stage of the founding congress of the RCRP, supporters of R. Kosolapov formed the “Leninist Platform in the RCRP”, which in February 1993 transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.) The goals of the party in the new program were named: “organization of a decisive nationwide resistance capitalization of the country"; “bringing the country out of the crisis caused by internal and external counter-revolution”; "restoration of trampled social gains and rights of the people, integrity and international positions Russia as a world power"; "transition to dynamic socialist construction".
Subsequently, it was not so much the goals of the party that changed, but its tactical guidelines. So, starting in 1994, the party set a course for holding a general political strike, which, according to the plan, should put an end to the existence of the current regime.
In negotiations with possible allies, the party defended the “5 principles of the RCRP”: 1) “stopping criminal reforms and their instruments - privatization, liberalization and so-called financial stabilization”; 2) “returning the loot to the people”; 3) “the return of power to the Soviets of workers, peasants, specialists and employees”; 4) “revival of the Soviet Union”; 5) “abolition of the presidency.”
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. In terms of numbers, the RCRP is the second Russian Communist Party after the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (and, apparently, a political party in general). According to its leadership, as of the summer of 1995, the party consisted of 162 thousand people (according to the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - about 50 thousand).
The governing bodies of the RCWP are the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission. The first compositions of the Central Committee (85 members, 4 candidate members) and the Central Control Commission (15 members) were elected at the first stage of the founding congress of the party in November 1991. The Central Committee included Viktor Tyulkin, Alexey Sergeev, Mikhail Popov, Viktor Anpilov, Yuri Terentyev, Albert Makashov, Teimuraz Avaliani, Richard Kosolapov, Alexander Zolotov, Yuri Slobodkin and others. On January 5-6, 1992, at the plenum of the Central Committee, several of its secretaries were elected to form the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee, in which Viktor Tyulkin, secretary of the RCRP Central Committee for organizational issues, began to play a leading role .
At the second stage of the founding congress of the RCWP (December 5-6, 1992), 12 people were removed from the Central Committee (including R. Kosolapov) and 28 were introduced (“directly related to production”). An additional 18 workers were elected to the Central Control Commission. The Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee included V. Anpilov, A. Zolotov, D. Igoshin, S. Krupenko, N. Polovodov, N. Sarvarov, A. Sergeev, Yu. Terentyev, E. Timofeev, V. Tyulkin, V. Shishkarev. On March 7, 1993, Albert Makashov and Mikhail Titov left the Central Committee. The II Congress of the RCWP (December 3-4, 1993) elected a new composition of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee, which did not include M. Popov and his like-minded people, who at the same time held the founding congress of the Russian Workers' and Peasants' Party. V. Tyulkin was elected first secretary of the Organizing Bureau. The January (1994) plenum of the Central Committee of the RCRP elected V. Tyulkin as first secretary, and V. Anpilov and Yu. Terentyev as secretaries of the Central Committee. The IV Congress of the RCWP (December 17-18, 1994) elected a new Central Committee of 82 members. V. Tyulkin (first secretary), Yu. Terentyev (secretary), B. Yachmenev (secretary), V. Gusev, S. Krupenko, N. Sarvarov, V. Aseev, V. Danyarov, A. Cherepanov were elected to the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee , V. Tolcheev, V. Zapolskikh, V. Soldatov, V. Kalugin. V. Knodel became the manager of the affairs of the Central Committee of the RCRP, and V. Alekseev became the chairman of the Central Control Commission. The V Congress (April 20-21, 1996) elected a new composition of the Central Committee of the RCRP of 75 members and 16 candidates. At the plenum of the Central Committee of the RCWP that took place after the congress, V. Anpilov was introduced into the Organizing Bureau, contrary to the recommendations of the Central Control Commission, but was not elected, however, as secretary of the Central Committee. The secretaries of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee were V. Tyulkin, Yu. Terentyev and B. Yachmenev. At the joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the RCWP on July 21, 1996, V. Anpilov was removed from the post of first secretary of the MC of the RCWP and removed from the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the party.
5.2.3. Movement "Labor Russia"
Story. Since the end of 1991, under the leadership of the RCWP, the “Labor Russia” movement has been operating, uniting a wide range of adherents of orthodox communist views and headed by the head of the Moscow organization of the RCWP V. Anpilov. In addition to members of the RCRP, who made up the majority of the TR activists, the movement also includes representatives of the OFT, the Union of Communists, the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus, the Russian Komsomol and other communist organizations. In the summer of 1995, the Labor Russia movement, as an unofficial founder, became part of the Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union electoral bloc. In March 1996, TR leader V. Anpilov, on behalf of the movement, signed an Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov in the presidential elections, for which he was condemned by the V Congress of the RCRP held on April 20-21, 1996 (Anpilov was also accused of seeking " put the movement above the party" and turn it into an organization of "anarcho-syndicalist type with ultra-revolutionary phraseology").
Program guidelines. The program guidelines of “Labor Russia” completely coincide with those advocated by the RCWP: “the abolition of the Belovezhskaya Agreements and the beginning of the voluntary re-creation of the USSR”; “the return to the working people of the property taken from them, including land and its subsoil, production enterprises, transport and communication systems, the media, cultural, educational and healthcare institutions”; “the restoration of workers’ power in the form of Soviets from bottom to top, from the labor collective to the Congress of Soviets, which will be controlled by the head of the executive branch and the government”; "recovery government controlled economy according to scientifically based plans"; "abolition of the posts of presidents, mayors, prefects and presidential governors throughout Russia."
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. The movement has branches in many regions of Russia and, according to its own estimates, has more than 100 thousand supporters. In 1992-93 “Working Russia” attracted several tens of thousands of people to its rallies and demonstrations. By the time of the IV Congress (January 28, 1996), the movement had 57 regional organizations. Nevertheless, TR was registered as a federal organization by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation only on January 6, 1996.
The governing body of the movement - the Coordination Council - was elected even before the founding congress, in December 1991. Initially, it included 30 people, including Viktor Anpilov (RKRP), Vavil Nosov (RKRP), Richard Kosolapov (RKRP), Boris Gunko (Moscow "Unity"), Vladimir Yakushev (OFT), Boris Kudryavtsev (VKPB), Igor Malyarov (Committee "For the Revival of the Komsomol"), Alexey Prigarin (Union of Communists), Vasily Shishkarev (Union of Moscow Workers), Vladimir Shebarshin (Union of Workers Moscow), Stanislav Terekhov (Union of Officers).
At the founding congress of the TR (October 25, 1992), a new Coordination Council of 53 people and an Executive Committee of 15 people were elected, which included V. Anpilov (chairman), B. Gunko, I. Malyarov, V. Nosov, Vladimir Miloserdov ( Russian Party), Alexey Sergeev, Vladimir Gusev, etc. Subsequently, the composition of these bodies was repeatedly updated.
5.2.4. Union of Communists
Story. The Union of Communists was created in November 1991 on the basis of the left wing of the “Marxist Platform in the CPSU”. Its sole leader at first was Alexey Prigarin. In April 1992, at the First Congress of the Union of Communists, a decision was made to form the International Union of Communists, which, in addition to the Union of Communists, also included the Union of Communists of Ukraine and Latvia and the Communist Party of Workers of Transnistria. (The International Union of Communists, however, existed only on paper.) The Union of Communists advocated the creation economic federation between the republics of the former USSR, the development of an “emergency three-year economic recovery plan,” the introduction of a state monopoly on foreign trade, etc.
The Union of Communists was the main initiator of the creation of the UPC-CPSU. Under his leadership, the “Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee” (June 13, 1992), the “XX Conference of the CPSU” (October 10, 1992), and the “XXIX Congress of the CPSU” (March 29-30, 1993) were prepared and held. The UK was the first to become a full member of the SKP-CPSU. A. Prigarin was elected one of the deputy chairmen of the Council of the UPC-CPSU, and in addition to him, a member of the Central Committee of the SKP-CPSU, S. Stepanov, also joined the Political Executive Committee of the Council of the UPC-CPSU. Members of the Investigative Committee participated in the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (the decision on the withdrawal of activists of the Union of Communists from the Zyuganov Communist Party was made only at the Second Congress of the Investigative Committee in December 1993), as well as in the Roskomsovet, which was recreated in August 1993.
In 1993, a movement led by Sergei Stepanov and Vladimir Markov was formed in the Union of Communists, which considered participation in the UPC-CPSU to be an extraneous matter for the UK. In October 1993, the opposition held the Second Congress of the Investigative Committee, at which it dismissed A. Prigarin (he, in particular, was accused of destroying the archives of the Union of Communists on October 4, 1993, in fear of reprisals from the authorities) and elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the SK S. Stepanov. Supporters of A. Prigarin did not recognize the legitimacy of this congress and at the joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission on October 30, 1993, in turn, they removed S. Stepanov and V. Markov from their posts as secretaries of the Central Committee. Since that time, there have been two parties in Russia bearing the name “Union of Communists” - SK A. Prigarin and SK S. Stepanov. Both Unions of Communists insisted on their exclusive right to be represented in the Union of Communist Parties, but in the end the leadership of the UPC-CPSU took the side of A. Prigarin, and the Control and Audit Commission of the UPC-CPSU condemned the activities of S. Stepanov’s group. This decision was supported by the July (1994) plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU, which addressed all primary organizations of the UK with a proposal to hold a unification congress. Representatives of S. Stepanov's Investigative Committee, as a rule, attended events of the Council of the UPC-CPSU as guests, while A. Prigarin retained membership in the Council (however, after his conflict with O. Shenin, he was forced to leave his post in July 1994 Deputy Chairman of the Council of the Union of Communist Parties).
On the basis of the Union of Communists of A. Prigarin, the Russian Communist Party (RCP-CPSU) was created in April 1995, which claimed to be the Russian organization of the UPC-CPSU, but was not recognized in this capacity by the leadership of the Union of Communist Parties.
During the election campaign in the fall of 1993, S. Stepanova's Investigative Committee advocated participation in elections in single-mandate constituencies in case of non-participation in elections on party lists, while A. Prigarin's Investigative Committee, following the rest of the member parties of Roskomsovet, called for a complete boycott of the elections . In the elections to the Second State Duma, S. Stepanova's IC acted as an independent electoral association, but was unable to collect 200 thousand signatures in its support. SK A. Prigarin, together with the RCP-CPSU, joined on an informal basis the electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union."
The IC was registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on September 28, 1992. After the split, registration remained with the IC of S. Stepanov (Stepanov was the secretary for organizational work, so he had a party registration certificate and seal).
Program guidelines. The program goals of the Union of Communists initially stated “socialist development of society”, “the leading role of public ownership of the main means of production in the use various forms property in the service sector and small-scale production", "regulated market relations", "a reasonable combination of planned principles of economic management and the market", "the market for means of production and consumer goods in the absence of a market for labor and capital", "the revival of Soviet power", "the creation a system of democracy based on elections on the territorial production principle”, “development of self-government”.
At the beginning of 1992, the leader of the SK A. Prigarin defined the place of the Union of Communists as being to the left of the Socialist Party of Working People, but to the right of the Russian Party of Communists. It was distinguished from the SPT by its non-recognition of private capitalist entrepreneurship and the legitimacy of income from it. From the PKK - rejection of the centralization of economic management and political life countries. Prigarin called the slogan of SK "More democracy, more socialism!" and defended the need to combine state planned management of the economy with a regulated market, "transfer of economic rights labor collectives and regional authorities."
Subsequently, the ideological position of the Union of Communists (primarily A. Prigarin's IC) in many ways came closer to the guidelines of other member parties of Roskomsoyuz for “the fastest, radical restoration of socialism in the country, and in its new, higher stage of development.” At the same time, both Unions of Communists still do not accept an alliance of Communists with national patriots. The political line outlined by the II Congress of the UK (A. Prigarin) and confirmed by the III Congress (December 1994) provides for “tough opposition to the regime”, “unification of communists who take Marxist-Leninist positions”, “fight against the right-wing opportunist and nationalist danger in communist movement”, “a course towards preparing a general political strike and mass civil disobedience with the aim of taking power by the working people”, “restoration of a single state - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics”, etc.
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. At the time of registration, the Union of Communists had 3,433 members. After February-March 1993, almost all organizations of the Union of Communists transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and only a few of them retained dual membership. At the end of 1993, according to the leadership of A. Prigarin's Investigative Committee, the party consisted of about 3 thousand people (262 in Moscow). The leader of the second IC, S. Stepanov, at the plenum of the Central Committee in April 1994, estimated the size of his organization at several tens of thousands of people, which, without any doubt, is a significant exaggeration.
The First Congress of the Union of Communists (April 25-26, 1992) elected the Central Committee (23 people) and the Central Control Commission (5 people) as its governing bodies. The Central Committee, in turn, elected 9 of its secretaries: A. Prigarin (first secretary), Oleg Melnikov, Vladimir Markov, Nikolai Kaburneev, Evgeny Kafyrin, O. Menshikova, Vitaly Perov, Sergei Stepanov, O. Khlustov. At the congress, the Union Council of the International Union of Communists was also formed, of which A. Prigarin became the secretary.
The II (extraordinary) congress of the Investigative Committee, held on October 23, 1993 by supporters of S. Stepanov - V. Markov, elected a new composition of the Central Committee. Instead of the previous 9 secretaries of the Central Committee, 5 were elected. Several seats were left for Prigarin’s supporters in the secretariat. S. Stepanov was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee. Prigarin's group did not recognize the legitimacy of this congress, and at the joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission on October 30, 1993, they relieved Stepanov and Markov from their duties as secretaries of the Central Committee.
Later, the congresses of both parties (III Congress of S. Stepanov's SC - December 10, 1994, III Congress of A. Prigarin's SC - December 17, 1994) elected their own Central Committee and Central Control Commission. A. Prigarin remained the first secretary of one, S. Stepanov remained the first secretary of the other.
5.2.5. Russian Party of Communists
Story. The PKK is considered the least orthodox of all the “left” communist parties included in the Roskomsovet. Its program, in particular, allows for the existence of “limited private property.” At the same time, real political practice makes the PKK indistinguishable from all other member parties of the RKS.
The party was created by a group of members of the "Marxist Platform" led by A. Kryuchkov after the ban of the CPSU in August 1991. The group searched for allies for a long time and for this purpose was present at the congresses of the Socialist Working People's Party (October 26, 1991) and the Union of Communists (16-1991). November 17, 1991), but eventually came to the decision to create an independent party, which at the founding conference (December 14-15, 1991) received the name “Russian Party of Communists”. A. Kryuchkov was elected deputy chairman of the party (it was decided to elect the chairman at the First Congress of the PKK, but in May 1992, at a joint plenum of the Central Executive Committee and the Central Control Commission, Kryuchkov became the chairman). At the beginning of 1992, the PKK discussed the possibility of joining the Russian All-People's Union as a collective member, but the party subsequently abandoned this intention.
The PKK initiated a number of events whose goal was to unite the communists of the former USSR. Thus, in May 1992, on the initiative of the PKK, the All-Union focal point communists, which included representatives of a number of Russian regional communist associations, as well as the Party of Communists of Belarus and the Socialist Party of Ukraine. In the summer of 1992, the party initiated the convening of a meeting of communist organizations, at which the Roskomsovet was created. The 1st Congress of the RPK (December 5-6, 1992) decided to participate in the organizing committee for the restoration of the Communist Party of the RSFSR; party representatives participated both in the official 2nd Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and in the “parallel” one, held on the initiative of the RCWP. Some members of the PKK leadership, led by Yu. Belov and B. Slavin, moved to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in February 1993.
In the summer of 1993, the party, as a collective member, entered the National Salvation Front (during the events of September-October 1993, A. Kryuchkov was the chief of staff for the defense of the House of Soviets) and took part in the restoration of Roskomsovet. At the II Congress of the PKK (January 28-29, 1994), it was decided that the party should join the UPC-CPSU as an associate member (the proposal for full membership was rejected). In March 1994, the party refused to join the “Concord in the Name of Russia” movement, regarding the initiative of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, APR, RUS, RSDNP and others as an attempt to “cover up with beautiful decorations the refusal to fight the ruling regime, to justify their agreement with it.” The II Congress of the PKK decided to begin negotiations on the creation of a coalition communist party (while temporarily maintaining its own programs and charters) with the Union of Communists of A. Prigarin, as well as to establish “working contacts” with the Marxist Workers’ Party - the Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and other organizations taking the position "creative Marxism".
In November 1994, the PKK took part in the creation of the Union of Popular Resistance, but in August 1995 it disagreed with the leaders of the SNS Sazhi Umalatova and Ivan Shashviashvili on the issue of participation in the electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union." At the last moment they refused to participate in the bloc, and the PKK was one of its founders. After December 17, 1995, the Political Council of the PKK spoke in favor of maintaining the bloc “Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union” for the period of elections to local authorities.
The plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the PKK on March 30-31, 1996 recommended party members to vote in the presidential elections for the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but spoke out against the party joining the “Bloc of People’s Patriotic Forces” in support of G. Zyuganov as a sign of disagreement with his platform, which is, according to in the opinion of the PKK leadership, “just a platform for correcting the course of the current regime, economic and political structure society while preserving the constitutional foundations of the bourgeois system."
Program guidelines. Representatives of the PKK have repeatedly stated that they consider themselves “realist communists” and avoid “the extremist extremes of other communist groups.” In particular, the PKK opposes the immediate liquidation of private property, fearing that this will lead to “a repeat of the mistake associated with the abolition of the NEP in the 20s.” Private property, according to the PKK, “will be eliminated over time in the process of building socialism.” (At the same time, the leader of the Union of Communists A. Prigarin, who adheres to the position of preventing private property, called the PKK an ally “on the left”, believing that A. Kryuchkov’s supporters advocate a centralized version of the economy.) Being an opponent of private ownership of land, the PKK, nevertheless , allows for inherited ownership of agricultural plots (subject to mandatory cultivation), advocates a combination of planned and market principles in the economy, demonopolization, denationalization of property (but against its privatization). In addition, unlike the RCWP and especially the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus, the Russian Party of Communists, calling itself “a supporter of the Leninist line in the communist movement,” has a negative attitude towards Stalinism. There is no rigid centralism in the party; ideological discussions are allowed, which are considered useful for the development of Marxist thought, provided that they do not interfere with organizational activities.
In the documents of the PKK, adopted in 1994-95, the party’s immediate goals are: “rejection of the bankrupt policy of capitalization of the country, bourgeois-nomenklatura privatization, price anarchy and shifting the entire burden of the crisis onto the shoulders of the working people”; “restoration of social justice, law and order and legality”; “cancellation of the results of the pseudo-referendum on December 12, 1993, the establishment of genuine democracy in the country on the basis of the Constitution, which will be supported by the majority of the people”; “the resignation of the current government and the abolition of the post of president, responsible for the national-state catastrophe of Russia, and the formation for a transitional period of a government of people's trust, responsible to the highest representative body of power”; “holding early free and democratic elections of bodies of representative power after the development of guarantees for the democracy of these elections with the participation of the opposition”; “the revival of Soviet power as the real power of the working people,” etc.
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. At the time of registration, the PKK had over 2,900 members. In the fall of 1992, the party leadership estimated its strength at 5 thousand people. In February 1993, some members of the leadership and regional branches of the PKK transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. After this, the size of the party fluctuated between 1-3 thousand.
The founding conference of the PKK (December 14-15, 1991) elected the Central Executive Committee (37 people) as the governing body of the party, which received the right to co-opt new members - up to 50 people. At the meeting of the Central Election Commission on December 15, the Political Council of the Central Executive Committee was formed of 10 people (one seat remained vacant), which included A. Kryuchkov, V. Burdyugov, Galina Sachko (former member of the CPSU Central Committee), Boris Slavin, Oleg Shabrov and others. The party chairman was It was decided not to elect before the First Congress, and A. Kryuchkov was elected deputy chairman. Vladimir Burdyugov became the Secretary of the Political Council of the Central Executive Committee of the PKK (in October 1993 he was removed from the Central Executive Committee of the PKK; at the end of 1993, together with his supporters, he left the PKK and created the Left Russia party). In May 1992, at a joint plenum of the Central Executive Committee and the Central Control Commission, Kryuchkov was elected chairman of the Political Council of the Central Election Commission. At the First Congress of the PKK (December 5-6, 1992), A. Kryuchkov was again elected chairman of the Political Council of the Central Election Commission. The II Congress (January 28-29, 1995) re-elected the Central Executive Committee (33 people) and the Political Council, A. Kryuchkov was again re-elected as Chairman of the Political Council, Oleg Shirokov became his deputy.
5.2.6. Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Story. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the largest communist (and generally political) party in the Russian Federation. The hegemony of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the Russian communist movement is obviously explained by the fact that in the eyes of ordinary adherents of communist ideology, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the most “legitimate” heir of the CPSU. If the parties of Roskomsovet are marked with the stamp of their “informal” past, and the claims of the SKP-CPSU to the role of the “old CPSU” smack of some imposture, then the Communist Party of the Russian Federation managed to maintain a golden mean: it was able, on the one hand, to create for itself the image of an organization capable of navigating modern Russian realities, and on the other hand, not to break the thread connecting it with the “pre-August” CPSU.
The initiative (organizational) committee for convening the “Second Emergency (Restoration) Congress” of the Communist Party of Russia was formed by Roskomsovet in the fall of 1993 on the eve of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation’s verdict on the legality of the presidential decree banning the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR. The committee was headed by the former first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR Valentin Kuptsov, the EC also included many members of the leadership of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (G. Zyuganov, I. Osadchiy, I. Antonovich, etc.), representatives of the Socialist Working People's Party (I. Rybkin, V. Zorkaltsev, V. Martemyanov) and a number of Russian communist parties - the PKK (B. Slavin), the RCRP (R. Kosolapov, A. Makashov) and others. The leading positions in the organizing committee of the congress were occupied by representatives of the SPT, who pushed aside the activists of the RCRP.
The congress, held on February 13-14, 1995, decided to create the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which is “the legal successor and owner of the property of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.” The party actively collaborated with the “united opposition” and took part in many of its actions (including the defense of the House of Soviets in September-October 1993), although it did not become part of the National Salvation Front. After October 4, the activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were suspended for some time by presidential decree (despite the fact that a few days before the storming of the mayor's office and Ostankino, party leader G. Zyuganov called on participants in the defense of the White House to refrain from radical steps and not to take “bloodshed”) . Nevertheless, it, the only one of the Communist parties, was given the opportunity to participate in elections to the Federal Assembly. On December 12, 1993, she received 12.4% of the vote. The Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation included 45 deputies (32 from those elected in the federal district, 13 in single-mandate districts).
The All-Russian Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, held in April 1994, decided to “consider itself an integral part of the Union of Communist Parties while maintaining organizational independence, program and statutory documents,” after which at the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU (July 9-10, 1994) it joined the UPC . The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was also one of the participants in the creation of the movement “Concord in the Name of Russia” - a short-lived coalition that united in the spring of 1994 organizations of the “respectable” part of the irreconcilable opposition. Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation also took part in the “Russian Frontier” Congress (September 1994).
The III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, held on January 21-22, 1995, adopted a new program and made changes to the charter (in particular, the Central Committee became the governing body of the party instead of the Central Executive Committee). At the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation held on January 22, G. Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Central Committee.
In the elections to the Second State Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation acted independently, without entering into an alliance even with the “left communists” (negotiations on the creation of a single bloc of communists reached a dead end due to the fact that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was ready to cede no more than a tenth of the seats to the Russian Communist Party of the Russian Federation on the federal list) . In the elections of December 17, 1995, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation gained 22.3% of the votes, receiving 99 seats in the Duma. Another 58 deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected in single-mandate constituencies.
In the 1996 presidential elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation nominated its leader as a candidate, also supported by a number of anti-reformist organizations that signed on March 4, 1996, an Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov as a single presidential candidate from the opposition. G. Zyuganov entered the second round of elections, where he lost to B. Yeltsin, receiving 40.31% of the vote (versus 53.82% for the current president).
Program guidelines. The Political Statement adopted at the Second Party Congress (February 13-14, 1993) spoke of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation's commitment to the "ideas of socialism and democracy." The Communist Party of the Russian Federation set its goals to “prevent the capitalization of the country” and “stop forced privatization.” At the same time, the statement contained such provisions, uncharacteristic for orthodox communists, as “formation of a planned market economy”, “social orientation of reforms”, “optimal combination of various forms of ownership”, “free transfer of land for perpetual possession and use by state, collective, farm and other farms", "conclusion of a new interstate agreement between the CIS countries".
A kind of programmatic “opportunism” (in particular, the rejection of the slogan “Workers of all countries, unite!”) immediately placed the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in a special position in the Russian communist movement. The “Left Communist Parties,” in particular, never recognized the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as a communist organization, for which there were quite good reasons. According to observers, only one internal party movement can be considered actually communist in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (independent factions and platforms are prohibited in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation by the charter) - the so-called. "Lenin's position in the communist movement" (leader - Richard Kosolapov). Despite the fact that orthodox communist views are quite widespread among ordinary members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, R. Kosolapov’s group enjoys the least influence in the party leadership. The dominant position in the leading bodies of the party is occupied by supporters of the so-called. "national-patriotic" direction, led by G. Zyuganov, placing emphasis not on the actual communist aspects of the program, but on the tasks of "national liberation of Russia from the dominance of comprador capital" and on this basis seeking an alliance with "patriotic-minded entrepreneurs", as well as with representatives of non-communist organizations belonging to the “irreconcilable opposition”.
Number. Governing bodies. Leaders. As of March 1996, the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation estimated the size of the party at 570 thousand people in 89 regional organizations (according to expert estimates - from 150 to 300 thousand people).
At the “II Extraordinary (Restoration) Congress” (February 13-14, 1993), the Central Executive Committee of 89 people was elected as the governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the first plenum of the Central Executive Committee (February 14, 1993), Gennady Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee, his deputies were Valentin Kuptsov (first deputy), Yuri Belov (ideological work), Svetlana Goryacheva (coordination of the activities of organizations in Siberia and Far East), Mikhail Lapshin (agrarian problems), Viktor Zorkaltsev (organizational issues), Ivan Rybkin (parliamentary faction). At the II Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (April 23-24, 1994), A. Shabanov was elected deputy chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (January 21-22, 1995), the party's governing body was renamed the Central Committee (139 members and 25 candidates). On January 22, at a joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control and Audit Commission, G. Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Central Committee, V. Kuptsov was his first deputy, and A. Shabanov was elected his deputy. The Presidium of the Central Committee included 19 people. N. Bindyukov, I. Melnikov, V. Peshkov, S. Potapov, G. Seleznev (released in May 1996) were elected secretaries of the Central Committee. State Duma deputy L. Petrovsky became the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
5.2.7. Union of Communist Parties (UKP-CPSU)
Story. The Organizing Committee of the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU" ("Organizing Committee of the CPSU Central Committee") was formed on June 13, 1992 at a meeting of 46 members of the "old" CPSU Central Committee, convened on the initiative of the leaders of the Union of Communists (in particular, a member of the leadership of the Investigative Committee, Konstantin Nikolaev, became the chairman of the OC, and his deputy is the leader of the Investigative Committee Alexey Prigarin). On October 10, 1992, the Organizing Committee of the CPSU Central Committee held the "XX Party Conference of the CPSU", and on March 26-27, 1993 - the "XXIX Congress of the CPSU". At the congress, the “recreated” party received a new name: the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (SKP-KPSS).
The first of the Russian communist parties to join the SKP-CPSU as full members were the Union of Communists, the Bolshevik Platform in the CPSU and the Lenin Platform of Richard Kosolapov (formed within the RCWP in December 1992, in February 1993 it transferred to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation). On May 15, 1993, at the plenum of the Party Council, the Union of Communists of Russia, the Union of Communists of Latvia, the Communist Party of South Ossetia, the Party of Communists of Kyrgyzstan, the Communist Party of Estonia, the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, the Communist Party of Tajikistan and the Communist Party of Workers of Transnistria were officially accepted into the SKP-CPSU. The RCRP, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Union of Communists of Ukraine joined the Union of Communist Parties as associate members. At the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Communist Party of Ukraine and the United Communist Party of Georgia were accepted as full members of the UPC-CPSU. At the plenum on December 12, 1994, the Communist Party of Azerbaijan and the Communist Party of Uzbekistan entered the UPC-CPSU as full members, and the Workers' Union of Armenia as an associate. At the plenum on March 25, 1995 - the RCRP and the Communist Party of Moldova as full members, the PKK - as an associate.
In the fall of 1993, the Political Executive Committee of the Council of the UPC-CPSU recommended its members and supporters to boycott the elections to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and the referendum on the new Constitution (of all the members of the UPC, only the Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not follow this call).
The July (1994) plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU condemned the actions of the deputy chairman of the Council, member of the Political Executive Committee of the UPC-CPSU A. Prigarin, who took the initiative to create the Moscow city organization of the CPSU, directly included in the UPC-CPSU, and the so-called. "Russian organization of the CPSU" (RCP-CPSU). In particular, the Chairman of the Council of the UPC O. Shenin accused Prigarin of trying to split the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and of violating party discipline. A. Prigarin, however, did not abandon his intentions, but resigned from the post of deputy chairman of the Council of the UPC-CPSU (while retaining membership in the Council of the UPC-CPSU). The Plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on March 25, 1995 condemned the activities of the organizing committee of the “All-Russian Conference of the CPSU” created by A. Prigarin and recommended that the Central Control Commission consider the issue of the activities of a number of members of the Council of the UPC-CPSU as part of the organizing committee. At the December (1995) plenum, A. Prigarin tried to achieve acceptance into the SKP-CPSU of the Russian Communist Party (RCP-CPSU) he created, but consideration of this issue was postponed until the situation with the two Unions of Communists - A. Prigarin and S. Stepanov - was clarified.
At the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on July 9-10, 1994, the task was set of transforming the Union of Communist Parties into a rigid centralized structure. The December (1994) plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU addressed the Russian Communist Parties with a call to hold a unification congress to create a unified Russian Communist Party. However, all these intentions were prevented by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which insisted that at the “XXX Congress of the CPSU” (July 1995) changes were made to the new charter of the Union of Communist Parties, excluding individual membership in the UPC-CPSU (all communists were invited to join one of already existing communist parties) and turning the Union of Communist Parties into a confederation.
At the “XXX Congress of the CPSU,” the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation insisted on excluding the abbreviation “CPSU” from the name, but the majority of the congress delegates did not support this proposal.
During the 1995 election campaign to the State Duma, the leadership of the SKP-CPSU supported the electoral list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and in the presidential campaign of 1996 - the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov. On March 4, 1996, O. Shenin, on behalf of the UPC-CPSU, signed an Agreement on joint actions in support of G. Zyuganov as a presidential candidate from the “people's patriotic forces.”
SKP-KPSS is not registered with the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, including due to the presence in its name of the abbreviation “KPSS”, indicating the jurisdiction of a state other than the Russian Federation.
Program guidelines. New edition The program of the UPC-CPSU was adopted by the “XXX Congress of the CPSU” (July 1-2, 1995). The program principles of the SKP-CPSU were declared: “refusal to compromise with anti-people ruling regimes”; "the leading role of state ownership"; unification of the opposition based on the recognition of “the need for accelerated mobilization development of the country”; “the desire to build a union state on the principle of “union of peoples - federation of territories”; “full support for the armed forces and law enforcement agencies in their actions in the interests of the working people”; “development and strengthening of traditional national Soviet spiritual values.” The Congress declared the impossibility of admission to the UPC- CPSU representatives of social democratic organizations and cooperation with nationalist associations, which were considered as “an instrument of provocations of the special services.”
Governing bodies. Leaders. The governing bodies of the UPC-CPSU are the Party Council and the Political Executive Committee. At the 29th Congress of the CPSU, Oleg Shenin, who was released from Sailor's Silence, was elected Chairman of the Party Council, Konstantin Nikolaev was elected as the first deputy, Alexey Prigarin (resigned from this post in July 1994), Evgeny Konyshev, Alexander Melnikov, Igor as deputies. Prostyakov and Anatoly Chekhoev. The Political Executive Committee included Sazhi Umalatova, Yegor Ligachev, Stanislav Terekhov and others.
At the plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU on February 12-13, 1994, the structure of the Political Executive Committee was restructured, its composition was limited to the chairman and deputies (while the number of the latter increased). "XXX Congress of the CPSU" (July 1-2, 1995) determined new order election of the Council of the UPC-CPSU - 4 representatives from each full member, with the mandatory inclusion of the first person, who must also be included in the Political Executive Committee. In addition, a “central list” was introduced, which included persons “necessary to ensure the leadership functions of the central bodies of the UPC-CPSU” (in particular, O. Shenin, K. Nikolaev, E. Konyshev, S. Umalatova, I. Shashviashvili and etc.). These decisions somewhat weakened the position of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the leadership of the UPC-CPSU (by the spring of 1995, all members of the Political Executive Committee of the Council of the UPC-CPSU, except for K. Nikolaev, were representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation).
5.2.8. Roskomsoyuz
An association of "left" ("revolutionary") communist organizations in Russia, opposing themselves to the "opportunistic" Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The prototype of Roskomsoyuz was the Russian Coordination and Advisory Council (Roskomsovet), created at a meeting of representatives of republican and regional communist parties operating in the territory of the former USSR that took place on August 8-9, 1992. His task was to hold a unification conference of communists of the former Union. Representatives of almost all Russian parties that formed “on the ruins” of the CPSU took part in the work of Roskomsovet - not only the Communist Parties, but also the Socialist Working People's Party. Gradually, the majority in the RKS was captured by representatives of the SPT, and Roskomsovet from the organizing committee for the re-creation of the CPSU turned into an initiative committee for the re-creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. After the “restoration” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Roskomsovet ceased its activities.
In August 1993, representatives of the RCRP, RPK, SK and the Lenin Platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (later joined by representatives of the All-Union Communist Party of the Russian Federation) decided to resume the activities of the Roskomsovet, the first meeting of which was held on August 12. At a meeting on October 13, 1993, participants in the recreated RCC decided to boycott the elections to the Federal Assembly.
At the meeting of the leaders of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus, the RCWP, the RPK, both Unions of Communists, the “Leninist position in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation” (formerly the “Leninist platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation”), which took place on December 26, 1993, it was decided to unite these parties “into one workable whole” in the person of Russian Union of Communist Parties (Roskomsoyuz). To constitute the RCC, it was decided in the summer of 1994 to hold All-Russian conference communists. Regarding the split in the Union of Communists, it was decided that this conflict was an internal matter of the Investigative Committee (later on, mainly representatives of A. Prigarin’s Investigative Committee took part in the work of Roskomsoyuz). In April 1994, the Moscow City Organization of the CPSU, created by A. Prigarin, was accepted into the RKS.
On July 8, 1994, participants in the Roskomsovet meeting decided that at the All-Russian (inter-party) conference of communists, all parties would have equal representation - no more than 40 delegates, and fundamental decisions would be made unanimously, according to pre-agreed documents,
At the All-Russian (inter-party) conference of communists that took place on July 16-17, 1994, opinions about the nature of the Roskomsoyuz being created were divided. The RCWP insisted on immediate unification, holding a unification congress in January-February 1995 with the assignment of the functions of its organizing committee to the RCWP. The PKK, SK, MGO CPSU, All-Union Communist Party of the Soviet Union proposed a step-by-step plan - from coordinating the actions of various organizations to creating first a “coalition” and then a single party (“first ideological unity, and then organizational”). In the end, the draft resolution “On the unity of the ranks” introduced by V. Tyulkin was adopted as a basis, in which the activities of Roskomsovet were considered as “a step towards unification in single party". The conference delegates unanimously recognized the existence of the RKS since December 26, 1993. The charter of the RKS and the "Ideological and political position of the RKS" were also adopted (as a basis). The documents "Russia's Path to Socialism" (A. Prigarin) and the "Declaration of the RKS" ( "LP in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation") were recommended to the Council as working ones. The final texts of the "General ideological and political position of the Roskomsoyuz" and the charter of the Roskomsoyuz were approved on November 29, 1994 at the next meeting of the Roskomsovet.
At a meeting of the Roskomsovet on March 9, 1995, representatives of all member parties of the RKS announced their decision to take an active part in elections to representative bodies of power, incl. to the State Duma. On the basis of the RKS, in August 1995, the electoral bloc “Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union” was created, only N. Andreeva’s All-Union Communist Party of Belarus refused to participate in it, taking a boycott position - All-Union Communist Party of Belarus A. Lapina took part in the collection of signatures in support of the electoral association "Union of Communists", created on the basis of S. Stepanov's IC.
At a meeting of the Roskomsovet on January 16, 1996, representatives of the RKRP, PKK and RCP-CPSU announced the decision of their parties to participate in the presidential elections, while the RCP-CPSU and the PKK expressed their readiness not to nominate their own candidates, but to support a “single candidate from the left.” Representatives of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus N. Andreeva reported that their party will again not take part in the elections (except for the situation if before the second round there is a danger of victory for a “pro-fascist or openly fascist presidential candidate”). The proposal of the RCP-CPSU to give the Roskomsoyuz a federal character was rejected. An agreement was reached to hold a Roskomsoyuz conference immediately after the presidential elections.
Until now, Roskomsoyuz is an informal association of “left” communist parties and therefore is not registered with the justice authorities.
5.2.9. Union of Popular Resistance
Story. The SNS was created as an organization claiming to unite “left-patriotic, socialist and communist forces” in the fight against “the occupation regime of Boris Yeltsin.” However, leading positions in it were taken by representatives of communist-oriented organizations. Some of them (RPK, SK A. Prigarin, MGO CPSU, "Lenin's position in the communist movement") were members of Roskomsoyuz, some (Permanent Presidium of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, Union of Officers, People's Movement "Union") were not part of any communist Union. All these organizations were distinguished by their rejection of the leadership of any one of the largest Russian communist parties in the Russian communist movement - be it the Communist Party of the Russian Federation or the Russian Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not suit them because, in the opinion of members of the SNS, it was excessively inclined to compromise with the authorities, and the RCRP - because of the desire to absorb all the other “left” communist parties.
The organizers of the founding conference of the SNS (December 11, 1994) were the Permanent Presidium of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (Sazhi Umalatova), the Union of Communists and the MGO CPSU (A. Prigarin), "Lenin's position in the communist movement", the PKK, the Liberal-Patriotic Party "Renaissance" " (V. Skurlatov; the only founding party of the SNS that called itself a non-communist organization), the Union of Officers (S. Terekhov) and the People's Movement "Union" (G. Tikhonov) - the last two organizations are completely communist organizations that do emphasis on “sovereign” rhetoric. The conference decided to establish the SNC, adopted the draft Political Statement and Charter as a basis, and elected the Central Council. At the meeting of the Central Council that took place after the conference, S. Umalatova was elected its chairman.
At the plenum of the Central Council of the SNS on April 2, 1994, it was announced that the Union of Popular Resistance does not include the Union of Officers itself (according to its charter, the SO cannot be part of any other centralized associations), but its subsidiary organization, the movement "Soviet Power Structures of Russia" , the creation of which was first announced right there at the plenum.
During the election campaign to the Second State Duma, a split occurred in the SNS on the issue of the form of participation in the elections. Supporters of A. Kryuchkov advocated joining the electoral bloc created on the basis of the parties of Roskomsoyuz, supporters of S. Umalatova - for the formation of an electoral bloc in which the SNS could play a leading role. At first, the position of A. Kryuchkov prevailed, and the SNS was seen as one of the founders of the “left-communist” electoral bloc (in this regard, it was supposed to be called “Communists - Labor Russia - Union of Popular Resistance”). However, at the SNS conference on August 27, 1995, after the admission of 6 new organizations to the SNS, the advantage passed to S. Umalatova, and the Union of Popular Resistance refused to join the “Roskomsoyuz” electoral bloc. Representatives of the PKK lost their leadership positions in the SNS, left the conference and took part in the establishment of the electoral bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union", and the conference of the SNS, at which only supporters of S. Umalatova remained, decided to create the electoral bloc "Our Future" "with the participation of the SNS and the Patriotic Movement to study the historical heritage of I.V. Stalin (leader - member of the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Omar Begov).
Despite the fact that the leading position in the National Library was occupied by the Union of Popular Resistance, its official founders were the Association for the Development of Private Initiative of Citizens and the Patriotic Movement for the Study of the Historical Legacy of Joseph Stalin. (The SNS could not act as the founder of the bloc, since it was not registered by the Ministry of Justice.) On an informal basis, the People's Democratic Movement of Dagestan "Stalin" also joined the bloc. The federal list of the bloc was headed by S. Umalatova, I. Shashviashvili, O. Begov. The list of the bloc was not registered by the Central Election Commission, since only 179 thousand of the signatures collected by “Our Future” were recognized as valid.
After the failure to participate in the parliamentary elections, the activity of the SNS decreased noticeably; since the fall of 1995, it practically did not make itself felt; meetings of the Central Council and the Political Executive Committee of the SNS were not held.
The SNA is not registered because it does not have enough regional branches to be recognized as a federal organization.
Program guidelines. As adopted at the founding conference (December 11, 1994). The political statement characterized the Union of Popular Resistance as a movement with a socialist orientation, calling “not back to or before perestroika, but to socialism enriched by modern experience.” The main political demands of the SNC were: the immediate repeal of the Constitution adopted on December 12, 1993; resignation of Boris Yeltsin and liquidation of the “presidential vertical”, adoption of a new Constitution, holding elections to the Soviets. In the field of economics, the SNS put forward the following demands: the restoration of state regulation and state orders (but “without a return to directive planning”), “restoration of the property of the people,” the introduction of fixed prices, etc. The tactical means chosen was a general political strike, which “in combination with a campaign of civil disobedience will lead to the fall of the Yeltsin regime."
Governing bodies. Leaders. By the April (1995) plenum of the Central Council, the SNS had 27 regional organizations, by the August - 33.
The founding conference (December 11, 1994) elected the Central Council as the governing body of the SNS, which included 5 people from each collective member. At the meeting of the Central Council held after the conference, S. Umalatova was elected chairman of the Central Council of the SNS, and her deputies were A. Prigarin, A. Kryuchkov, I. Shashviashvili (deputy chairman of the People's Movement "Union"). The Political Executive Committee of the Central Council was formed from the members of the Central Council of the SNS. The plenum of the Central Council of the SNS on January 7, 1995 approved the composition of the commissions: ideological (A. Prigarin) and on organizational issues (A. Kryuchkov). It was decided to postpone the creation of the remaining commissions. The plenum of the Central Council of the SNS on April 2, 1995 additionally elected the heads of regional organizations of Tatarstan (R. Shakirov) and the Chelyabinsk region (S. Petrov) to the Political Executive Committee of the SNS. At the plenum of the Central Council of the SNS on August 27, 1995, representatives of the PKK N. Glagoleva and A. Kryuchkov were removed from the Political Executive Committee of the SNS (the latter was also removed from the post of deputy chairman of the SNS for organizational work) and several supporters of S. Umalatova were introduced, including the chairman Moscow organization SNS V. Yanchuk.
5.3. Other communist organizations
5.3.1. Organizations of S. Skvortsov
In 1987-95, he was an employee of the Moscow city committee of the CPSU (after August 1991 - editor-in-chief of the Moscow region " People's newspaper) Sergei Skvortsov created a number of communist-oriented organizations. In June 1987, he established the Foundation for Social Initiatives, which later participated in the creation of the Moscow Popular Front (1988), the United Front of Workers (1989) and the Marxist Platform in the CPSU (1990). The number of FSI in the best times did not exceed 30 people. At the end of 1991 - beginning of 1992. S. Skvortsov tried to act as a unifier of the communist movement, creating the All-Union Committee of Communists, which on April 15-16, 1992 held the All-Union Conference of Communists, which set the task of holding the “XXIX Congress of the CPSU.” The organizers of the conference reported that 130 delegates from 8 union republics and several dozen regions of Russia took part in it. The conference was attended by the leaders of a number of newly created communist parties (RKRP, Union of Communists, Komsomol, Bolshevik Platform), who, however, declared the organizers of the event to be impostors and left the conference. On April 12, 1992, the VKK held the “founding and restoration conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.” The conference was attended by 34 delegates, who, according to the organizers, represented 20 thousand communists. On July 4, 1992, S. Skvortsov’s supporters held the “extraordinary restorative XXIX Congress of the CPSU,” which was attended by 85 delegates from 7 former Soviet republics, who elected 35 (out of an expected 100) members of the Central Committee. On July 5, 1992, at the first plenum of the Central Committee, S. Skvortsov was elected secretary-coordinator of the Central Committee. The results of the “restoration” congresses of the “Skvortsov” Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union were not recognized by any of the Russian Communist Parties. During 1992-95. The organizations created by S. Skvortsov did not show themselves in any way. In September 1993, Skvortsov established the Movement for Social Justice, which in 1995 tried to take part in the parliamentary elections, but was unable to collect the required number of signatures in support of its list. On January 29, 1996, the Central Election Commission registered an initiative group that nominated S. Skvortsov as a candidate for President of the Russian Federation. On February 27, 1996, the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU S. Skvortsov approved the nomination of its coordinating secretary as a candidate for the post of president, but he dropped out of the election fight, unable to collect 1 million signatures in his support.
5.3.2. Komsomol organizations
The first informal communist organizations within the Komsomol were created in 1989-91. - Union of Young Communists (November 1989), Youth Movement "Communist Initiative" (October 1990). After the transformation of the Komsomol into the Russian Youth Union (XXII Congress; September 1991), the leaders of the DMKI Igor Malyarov, Pavel Bylevsky, Andrei Yezersky created an organizing committee for the restoration of the Komsomol ("For the revival of the Komsomol") and held a conference in November 1991, in which they accepted participation of 50 delegates from Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Latvia, North Ossetia, Bashkiria, Udmurtia, and Transnistria. At the conference, it was decided to hold the “XXIII (restoration) congress of the Komsomol” in the spring of 1992, and drafts of new charters and programs of the Komsomol were adopted as a basis. At the XXIII Congress of the Komsomol, which took place in two stages (April 18-19 and May 9-10, 1992), the Central Committee was elected, at the plenum of which A. Yezersky was elected first secretary of the Central Committee at the proposal of the Secretary of the Komsomol Moscow City Committee I. Malyarov. Since mid-1992, relations between I. Malyarov and A. Yezersky deteriorated and ultimately this led to Malyarov establishing the Russian Communist Youth Union in January 1993, and in April of the same year he initiated the “XXIV Congress of the All-Union Komsomol organization", at which the Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian Komsomol actually created a "parallel" Komsomol. After this, the Komsomol and the RKSM acted independently of each other. At the same time, the primacy belonged to the RKSM - as a larger organization with more developed regional structures.
Komsomol. Throughout 1993-94. and for most of 1995, A. Yezersky’s “all-Union” Komsomol very rarely made itself felt. On December 23, 1995, the XXIV Komsomol Congress of A. Yezersky was held (officially formalized as the conference “Youth for Friendship of Peoples”), at which the Komsomol program was adopted as a basis and amendments were made to the charter, providing for the transformation of the Komsomol into an association combining elements of centralized and confederal devices for various republican organizations (the decision was made due to the fact that in a number of CIS countries political organizations are prohibited from participating in centralized international organizations). The Komsomol is a collective member of the SKP-CPSU. It is difficult to determine the total number of Komsomol organizations on the territory of the Russian Federation, since many Komsomol organizations still cannot decide which of the two Komsomol centers - the Komsomol or the RKSM - to support.
Russian Communist Youth Union. It was formed as a republican organization within the Komsomol at the founding conference on January 23, 1993. Igor Malyarov was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the RKSM. In April 1993, the RKSM actually broke off relations with the Komsomol A. Yezersky, taking part in the organization and holding of the “XXIV Congress of the All-Union Komsomol Organization” (April 1994). At the First Congress of the RKSM (September 25-26, 1993), a Program Statement and Charter were adopted, and a Central Committee and Central Control Commission were elected. All Russian communist parties were represented in the RKSM - mainly the RKRP (I. Malyarov) and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the RKSM V. Ponomarenko). At the beginning of 1995, I. Malyarov moved from the RCWP to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but continued to advocate for the RCSM to remain an independent political organization uniting young people from various communist parties. Leadership in the RKSM-oriented wing of the RKSM leadership then passed to the secretary of the RKSM Central Committee for ideology, secretary of the Moscow city committee of the RKSM P. Bylevsky, who in December 1995 took the initiative to create youth sections of the RKSM within the RKSM. At the same time, V. Ponomarenko attempted to create a youth organization of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on the basis of the RKSM. These trends caused opposition from most of the Central Committee, headed by I. Malyarov. At the plenum of the Central Committee of the RKSM on February 12, 1996, V. Ponomarenko and P. Bylevsky were removed from the Central Committee. At the same time, the plenum of the Central Committee decided to support the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the presidential elections, and I. Malyarov, on behalf of the RKSM, signed on March 4 an Agreement on the creation of a “Bloc of People’s Patriotic Forces” in support of G. Zyuganov. After the February (1996) plenum, supporters of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the RCRP in the RKSM openly moved to form youth organizations of these parties. Before the III Congress of the RKSM (April 27-28, 1996), 11 regional Komsomol organizations oriented towards the RKRP issued a statement in which they proposed expressing no confidence in I. Malyarov for the “complete collapse of Komsomol work”, “split and discrediting of the youth communist movement” . In this regard, delegates from these organizations were not allowed to attend the congress, after which they formed the Initiative Organizing Committee to hold their own III Congress of the RKSM (scheduled for the summer-autumn 1996). In a special statement, supporters of the RCWP assessed the election of the President of the Russian Federation as “a bourgeois-democratic ploy that distracts the working class from the fight for their rights, and the communists from their primary task - organizing the class struggle of the proletariat.”
In the fall of 1995, RKSM organizations existed in 78 regions, of which only 25 were active, 14 were quite weak, and the rest were initiative groups. At the beginning of 1996, about a third of the Union's organizations consisted of members of the RKSM who were not members of any of the Russian Communist Parties, 23 organizations consisted of members of the RKRP, the rest were oriented toward the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (in March 1996, 11 of them announced their intention to create on their own basis youth organization of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation). The number of RKSM fluctuates within several thousand people.
5.3.3. Russian Communist Party (RCP-CPSU)
Created in April 1995 by supporters of the leader of one of the Union of Communists, Alexei Prigarin, on the basis of the so-called. "Moscow city organization of the CPSU", part of the SKP-CPSU. At the founding conference of the RCP-CPSU (April 22, 1995), 66 delegates (out of 100) represented Moscow and 14 the Moscow region. A. Prigarin was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP-CPSU. It was assumed that the RCP-CPSU would become the Russian organization of the UPC-CPSU and in this capacity would be an alternative to the “opportunistic” Communist Party of the Russian Federation, however, at the request of representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the March (1995) plenum of the Council of the UPC-CPSU condemned the initiative of A. Prigarin, and the RCP-CPSU so and was not recognized by the Union of Communist Parties. Immediately after its creation, the party joined the Union of Popular Resistance, of which A. Prigarin’s Union of Communists had already been a collective member. In the parliamentary elections of 1995, the RCP-CPSU participated as part of the bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - For the Soviet Union." In March 1996, the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP-CPSU decided to support the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov in the presidential elections. In January 1996, the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation refused to register the RCP-CPSU, in response to which the party filed a lawsuit (in January, the Krasnopresnensky Intermunicipal Court dismissed the claim, after which the leadership of the RCP-CPSU announced its intention to appeal this decision to a higher authority authorities). The RCP-CPSU has a more or less large organization only in the Moscow region (536 members in Moscow and 50 in the Moscow region), other organizations (in Astrakhan, Belgorod, Voronezh, Kursk, Omsk, Kaluga, Oryol and Rostov regions) are much smaller.
5.3.4. Workers' and Peasants' Russian Party
Formed in December 1993 by supporters of the Secretary of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Workers' Party, Mikhail Popov, who, during the suspension of the RCRP in the fall of 1993, proposed creating a parallel legal party under a new name while maintaining the same abbreviation. The main part of the leadership of the Central Committee of the RCRP condemned Popov’s plan as “aiding the anti-people regime.” At the II Congress of the RCWP (December 3-4, 1994), M. Popov and his supporters were not elected to the new composition of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee. On December 4-5, 1993, they held the founding congress of the Workers' and Peasants' Russian Party. The party declared itself the successor of the Russian Communist Workers' Party. M. Popov was elected its chairman. The RKrRP was unable to seriously compete with the RKrRP. The party has any effective organizations only in St. Petersburg, Moscow and Nizhny Novgorod.
5.3.5. "Lenin's position in the communist movement"
A group uniting supporters of the former editor-in-chief of the magazine "Kommunist", one of the founders of the United Front of Workers, the Movement of Communist Initiative, the RCWP and "Labor Russia" Richard Kosolapov. The prototype of the LPKD - "Lenin's platform in the RCWP" - was formed at the second stage of the founding congress of the RCWP (December 5-6, 1992), after R. Kosolapov, V. Yakushev, I. Yepisheva were removed from the Central Committee of the RCWP for unauthorized joining the governing bodies of the National Salvation Front. After the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in February 1993, R. Kosolapov’s “Lenin Platform” moved from the RCRP to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, supporters of R. Kosolapov formed the orthodox communist wing. The Lenin Platform declared its main goal to be the fight against the “national-Menshevik deviation” in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, for the “Bolshevisation” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In the fall of 1993, the “Leninist platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation” was renamed “Lenin’s position in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation”, and in 1994 - “Lenin’s position in the communist movement”. R. Kosolapov participated in the development of a new program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (adopted by the III Congress in January 1995), achieving, in particular, the exclusion from it of points about the “multi-structured model of socialism” and about “state patriotism”, as well as the inclusion of a provision about the “avant-garde role working class."
The number of LPKD hardly exceeds 100 people. The main zones of its influence are the society "Russian Scientists of Socialist Orientation" and the Federation of Communists of educational, scientific and creative organizations. The governing body of the LPKD is the Working Group headed by R. Kosolapov. The “Leninist position” serves as a kind of bridge connecting the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the “left communists”. R. Kosolapov repeatedly called on Russian communist parties to join the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, thereby strengthening its left wing. "Lenin's Platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation" was a collective member of the SKP-CPSU, and "Lenin's Position in the Communist Movement" as its successor also applied for admission to the Union of Communist Parties.
5.3.6. Stalinist organizations
A number of small orthodox communist organizations included the name in their name Secretary General CPSU(b) - as proof of its commitment to the “ideals of the Lenin-Stalin cause.” Among them are the Patriotic Society "Stalin" (1991-92; leader - V. Fedosov), the Union of Soviet Stalinists (formed in 1991; leaders - Lyudmila Markova and Viktor Fedosov), Patriotic Society for the Study of the Historical Heritage of I. V. Stalin (formed and registered in the spring of 1995; leader - member of the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the State Duma of the first convocation Omar Begov). Only the SSS reminds more or less regularly of its existence, annually organizing rallies at the V. Lenin Museum in Moscow on the day of Joseph Stalin’s death (March 5). Stalinist organizations have a negative attitude towards the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, considering it “a party of right-wing opportunism, a party of anti-communism,” and are oriented towards an alliance with the Russian Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the All-Russian Communist Party of the Russian Federation and other “left-wing” communist parties. During the 1995 parliamentary election campaign, the Patriotic Society for the Study of the Historical Heritage of J.V. Stalin co-founded the “Our Future” electoral bloc, which failed to collect the number of signatures required for registration.
5.3.7. "Independent Marxists"
Non-traditional communist organizations include a number of parties, the predecessors of which in the pre-perestroika era were dissident Marxist groups, as well as informal circles at the beginning of perestroika that were part of the All-Union Social and Political Club. All these organizations were distinguished by a tendency to build independent economic and political concepts on the basis of Marxism, as well as a negative attitude towards the system that existed in the country in 1917-85, and a rejection of the alliance of the “left” with national patriots and “power holders”. Most of these small and marginal organizations were located in the provinces, mainly in the Urals and the Volga region.
Marxist Workers' Party - Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and its successors. The idea of creating a “new working class party” was first expressed at a meeting of representatives of informal Marxist groups in August 1989. For this purpose, the Union of Marxists was formed, which was entrusted with the responsibilities of the organizing committee of the founding congress of the party. At the congress, held on March 24-25, 1990 in Moscow, sharp disagreements emerged between supporters of the dictatorship of the proletariat (Yuri Leonov, Vladimir Zerkin, Nizami Lezgin, Grigory Isaev) and its opponents (Alexander Khotsei, Igor Zimin). The first announced the creation of the Marxist Workers' Party - the Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the goal of which was called the struggle "for the transfer of power into the hands of the working class", the latter created the Democratic Workers' Party (Marxist). At the II Congress of the MRP-PDP (September 14-16, 1990), the Samara organization led by G. Isaev left the party, forming the Workers Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (Bolsheviks), at the III Congress (June 1-2, 1991) - a group V. Moshkova, who formed the Revolutionary Workers' Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. At the conference on February 23-24, 1991, the MRP-PDP was renamed the Marxist Workers' Party, at the IV Congress (February 4, 1992) it changed the name to the Workers' Party, but at the V Congress (July 24-25, 1992) it returned again MRP name. Due to the non-participation of MCI in real political struggle The content of its internal party life is mainly theoretical disputes around the program adopted as a basis at the Second Congress. In 1994-95 in the party there was a discussion on the issue of the attitude towards the system that existed in the country in the pre-perestroika era: N. Lezgin, A. and Yu. Deev, S. Bayborodova and others interpreted it as state-capitalist (the last stage of the capitalist formation), V. Rodin and V. Bugera - as a new socio-economic formation. At the congress held on January 6-7, 1996, V. Bugera’s group left the party. The position taken by the MRP is expressed in the resolution adopted in September 1995 by the Ufa organization of the party “On the attitude towards the “Red Banner” bourgeois political organizations,” in which such organizations as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, RCRP, RPK, SK, etc. are characterized as “bourgeois-nationalist " - in particular, in connection with the slogan they put forward for the restoration of the USSR (MRP regards it as a manifestation of the desire to preserve the state apparatus "inherited from the neo-Asian bureaucracy of the USSR to the bourgeoisie of the republics that arose in place of the USSR").
Democratic Labor Party (Marxist). It was formed at the founding congress of the MRP-PDP (March 24-25, 1990) as a result of the split from that opponents of the dictatorship of the proletariat, led by A. Khotsei and I. Zimin. By 1992, the DRP(M) split into three parts, after which many local groups that were part of the party actually disintegrated, and their members moved away from politics and went to work in trade unions and commercial structures.
Party of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It arose as a result of the withdrawal from the MRP-PDP at the II Congress (September 14-16, 1990) of supporters of the Marxist dissident A. Razlatsky (died in early 1990), who formulated the doctrine of “proletarianism” in the pre-perestroika era and in the early 1980s gg. received several years in camps for his views. According to the theory of “proletarianism,” the intelligentsia, like the bourgeoisie, is an exploiting class, and therefore all intellectuals should be involved in physical labor, and the working day of the workers themselves should be reduced due to this to 4 hours. In reality it existed only in Samara. At first the party was called the Workers' Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (Bolsheviks), but at a conference on July 12, 1992 it was renamed the Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The leaders of the PDP are A. Razlatsky’s fellow prisoner G. Isaev and A. Razlatsky Jr. The PDP characterizes itself as a “strike party” and in the 90s. was the organizer of several strikes in Samara.
Social and political association "Worker". It developed on the basis of the "Worker" club (Sverdlovsk), created at the end of 1986. In 1989-90. The club's influence spread beyond the Sverdlovsk region. At a conference of labor activists in the Urals in March 1990, the Ural regional association “Worker” was created, and with the appearance of cells in a number of cities in the Volga region, it was renamed the Socio-political association “Worker”. The programmatic goal of the OPOR was to assert the progressive role of the proletariat (compared to the intelligentsia) and to fight for “the achievement of the class interests of the proletariat through democratic means.” In the fall of 1992, OPOR split into two organizations of the same name: OPOR B. Ikhlova and OPOR V. Burtnik.
Trotskyist movement. Trotskyist groups should also be included among the non-traditional communist organizations. Being in the field of theory no less orthodox than the majority of Russian communist parties, the Trotskyists in the eyes of the latter look like representatives of the “bourgeois counter-revolution.” Largely due to the negative attitude of the Trotskyists towards the Stalin and post-Stalin periods Soviet history, but primarily because of the prejudice experienced by Soviet communists towards the very name “Trotsky”. A peculiarity of Trotskyist groups in Russia (besides their extreme small number - no more than 10 people each) is that the vast majority of them are branches of international Trotskyist organizations (today there are about 38 relatively large Trotskyist tendencies and Internationals in the world).
The most prominent Trotskyist organization in Russia is the Committee for Workers' Democracy and International Socialism, created at the end of 1990. former member faction of “communist democrats” in the Democratic Union by Sergei Biets. The KRDMS considers itself the direct successor of the Union of Bolsheviks-Leninists, founded by L. Trotsky in 1928. The Committee sees its goal in “establishing the class rule of the proletariat.” Until the beginning of 1993, it was the “national section” of the international Trotskyist organization Militant. In February, a split occurred in the KRDMS, resulting in the formation of two organizations with the same name. The group, led by British citizen Robert Johnson, remained within the Militant ranks. KRDMS S. Bietsa, together with the Marxist Workers' Party, advocated the creation of a "revolutionary workers' party" not associated with foreign Trotskyist organizations (as part of the process of unification of the KRDMS and MRP, a theoretical conference was held in August 1995 to determine the "class nature of the Soviet state ").
Socialist Workers' Union. Created in early 1991. Belongs to the Workers' International for the restoration of the Fourth International (Clif Slaughter's tendency). It has branches in Moscow, Tula, Voronezh, Novosibirsk. Leader - Alexey Gusev.
Labor Struggle Group (Tony Cliff Tendency). Exists only in St. Petersburg. The most “anti-Soviet” of all Trotskyist groups, since it considers it necessary to carry out a bourgeois-democratic revolution first, and only then a socialist one. Leader - Dmitry Zhvania.
International Communist League of the IV International (Spartacists). Consists of foreigners permanently residing in Moscow. Has several supporters in Voronezh and St. Petersburg. The most “pro-Soviet” of Trotskyist tendencies: approved the introduction Soviet troops to Afghanistan, in August 1991 she issued a leaflet in support of the State Emergency Committee. The leader of the group is US citizen Viktor Granovsky.
Many people know that the Communist International is called international organization, which united communist parties of different countries in 1919-1943. Some people call this same organization the Third International, or the Comintern.
This formation was founded in 1919, at the request of the RCP (b) and its leader V.I. Lenin for the dissemination and development of the ideas of international revolutionary socialism, which, in comparison with the reformist socialism of the Second International, was a completely opposite phenomenon. The gap between these two coalitions occurred due to differences in positions regarding the First World War and the October Revolution.
Congresses of the Comintern
Congresses of the Comintern were not held very often. Let's look at them in order:
- First (Constitutive). Organized in 1919 (March) in Moscow. It was attended by 52 delegates from 35 groups and parties from 21 countries.
- Second Congress. Held from July 19 to August 7 in Petrograd. At this event, a number of decisions were made on the tactics and strategy of communist activity, such as models of participation in the national liberation movement of communist parties, the rules for the party’s entry into the 3rd International, the Charter of the Comintern, and so on. At that moment, the Department of International Cooperation of the Comintern was created.
- Third Congress. Held in Moscow in 1921, from June 22 to July 12. 605 delegates from 103 parties and structures attended this event.
- Fourth Congress. The event took place from November to December 1922. It was attended by 408 delegates sent by 66 parties and enterprises from 58 countries. By decision of the congress, the International Enterprise for Assistance to Revolutionary Fighters was organized.
- The fifth meeting of the Communist International was held from June to July 1924. The participants decided to turn the national communist parties into Bolshevik ones: to change their tactics in light of the defeat of the revolutionary uprisings in Europe.
- The Sixth Congress was held from July to September 1928. At this meeting, the participants assessed the political world situation as transitional to the new stage. It was characterized by an economic crisis that spread throughout the planet and an intensification of class struggle. Members of Congress managed to develop the thesis of social fascism. They made a statement that the political cooperation of the communists with both the right and left social democrats was impossible. In addition, during this conference the Charter and Program of the Communist International were adopted.
- The seventh conference was held in 1935, from July 25 to August 20. The basic theme of the meeting was the idea of consolidating forces and fighting the growing fascist threat. IN this period The Workers' United Front was created, which was a body for coordinating the activities of workers of various political interests.
Story
In general, communist internationals are very interesting to study. So, it is known that the Trotskyists approved the first four congresses, the supporters of left communism only the first two. As a result of the campaigns of 1937-1938, most sections of the Comintern were liquidated. The Polish section of the Comintern was eventually officially dissolved.
Of course, the political parties of the 20th century underwent a lot of changes. Repressions against communist leaders international movement, who found themselves in the USSR for one reason or another, appeared even before Germany and the USSR concluded a non-aggression pact in 1939.
Marxism-Leninism was very popular among the people. And already at the beginning of 1937, members of the directorate of the German Communist Party G. Remmele, H. Eberlein, F. Schulte, G. Neumann, G. Kippenberger, leaders of the Yugoslav Communist Party M. Fillipovich, M. Gorkich were arrested. V. Chopic commanded the fifteenth Lincoln International Brigade in Spain, but when he returned, he was also arrested.
As you can see, communist internationals were created by a large number of people. Also, a prominent figure in the international communist movement, the Hungarian Bela Kun, and many leaders of the Polish Communist Party - J. Pashin, E. Pruchniak, M. Kossutska, J. Lenski and many others were also repressed. Former Greek Communist Party A. Kaitas was arrested and shot. One of the leaders of the Communist Party of Iran, A. Sultan-Zadeh, received the same fate: he was a member of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, a delegate of the II, III, IV and VI congresses.
It should be noted that political parties of the 20th century differed big amount intrigue. Stalin accused the leaders of the Communist Party of Poland of anti-Bolshevism, Trotskyism, and anti-Soviet positions. His speeches were the cause of physical reprisals against Jerzy Czeszejko-Sochatski and other leaders of the Polish communists (1933). Some were repressed in 1937.
Marxism-Leninism, in fact, was not a bad teaching. But in 1938, the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Comintern decided to dissolve the Polish Communist Party. The founders of the Communist Party of Hungary and the leaders of the Hungarian Soviet Republic - F. Bayaki, D. Bokanyi, Bela Kun, I. Rabinovich, J. Kelen, L. Gavro, S. Szabados, F. Karikas - found themselves under a wave of repression. The Bulgarian communists who moved to the USSR were repressed: Kh. Rakovsky, R. Avramov, B. Stomonyakov.
Romanian communists also began to be destroyed. In Finland, the founders of the Communist Party G. Rovio and A. Shotman, General First Secretary K. Manner and many of their associates were repressed.
It is known that communist internationals did not appear out of nowhere. For their sake, more than a hundred Italian communists living in the Soviet Union in the 1930s suffered. They were all arrested and transported to camps. Mass repression did not pass by the leaders and activists of the communist parties of Lithuania, Latvia, Western Ukraine, Estonia and Western Belarus (before their annexation to the USSR).
Structure of the Comintern
So, we have looked at the congresses of the Comintern, and now we will look at the structure of this organization. Its Charter was adopted in August 1920. It was written: “In essence, the International of Communists is obliged to actually and truly represent a worldwide unified communist party, separate branches of which operate in each state.”
It is known that the leadership of the Comintern was carried out through the Executive Committee (ECCI). Until 1922, it consisted of representatives delegated by the Communist Parties. And since 1922 he was elected by the Comintern Congress. The Small Bureau of the ECCI appeared in July 1919. In September 1921 it was renamed the Presidium of the ECCI. The ECCI Secretariat was created in 1919 and dealt with personnel and organizational issues. This organization existed until 1926. And the Organizational Bureau (Orgburo) of the ECCI was created in 1921 and existed until 1926.
It is interesting that from 1919 to 1926 the Chairman of the ECCI was Grigory Zinoviev. In 1926, the position of chairman of the ECCI was abolished. Instead, the ECCI Political Secretariat of nine people appeared. In August 1929, the Political Commission of the Political Secretariat of the ECCI was separated from this new formation. She was supposed to prepare various issues that were subsequently considered by the Political Secretariat. It included D. Manuilsky, O. Kuusinen, a representative of the German Communist Party (agreed with the Central Committee of the KKE) and O. Pyatnitsky (candidate).
In 1935 it appeared new position- General Secretary of the ECCI. It was occupied by G. Dimitrov. The Political Commission and the Political Secretariat were abolished. The ECCI Secretariat was reorganized.
The International Control Commission was created in 1921. She checked the work of the ECCI apparatus, individual sections (parties) and was engaged in auditing finances.
What organizations did the Comintern consist of?
- Profintern.
- Interrabpom.
- Sportintern.
- Communist Youth International (CYI).
- Krestintern.
- Women's International Secretariat.
- Association of Rebel Theaters (International).
- Rebel Writers Association (international).
- International of Freethinking Proletarians.
- World Committee of Comrades of the USSR.
- Tenants International.
- The international organization for assistance to revolutionaries was called MOPR or “Red Aid”.
- Anti-Imperialist League.
Disbandment of the Comintern
When did the dissolution of the Communist International occur? Date of official liquidation of this famous organization falls on May 15, 1943. Stalin announced the dissolution of the Comintern: he wanted to impress the Western allies, convincing them that plans to establish communist and pro-Soviet regimes on the lands of European states had collapsed. It is known that the reputation of the 3rd International by the beginning of the 1940s was very bad. In addition, in continental Europe, the Nazis suppressed and destroyed almost all cells.
From the mid-1920s, Stalin and the CPSU(b) personally sought to dominate the Third International. This nuance played a role in the events of that time. The liquidation of almost all branches of the Comintern (except for the Youth International and the Executive Committee) in the years (mid-1930s) also had an impact. However, the 3rd International was able to retain the Executive Committee: it was only renamed the World Department of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
In June 1947, the Paris Conference on Marshall Aid took place. And in September 1947, Stalin created Cominform from the socialist parties - the Communist Information Bureau. It replaced the Comintern. In fact, it was a network formed from the communist parties of Bulgaria, Albania, Hungary, France, Italy, Poland, Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, Romania and Yugoslavia (due to disagreements between Tito and Stalin, it was removed from the lists in 1948).
Cominform was liquidated in 1956, after the 20th Congress of the CPSU. This organization did not have a formal successor, but the OVD and CMEA, as well as regularly held meetings of workers and communist parties friendly to the USSR, became such.
Archive of the Third International
The Comintern archive is kept in the State Archive of Political and Social History in Moscow. Documents are available in 90 languages: the basic working language is German. There are reports from more than 80 parties.
Educational establishments
The Third International owned:
- Communist Workers' University of China (KUTK) - until September 17, 1928, it was called the Sun Yat-sen Workers' University of China (UTK).
- Communist University of the Toilers of the East (KUTV).
- Communist University of National Minorities of the West (KUNMZ).
- International Lenin School (ILS) (1925-1938).
Institutions
The Third International ordered:
- Statistical and Information Institute ICKI (Bureau Varga) (1921-1928).
- Agrarian international institute (1925-1940).
Historical facts
The creation of the Communist International was accompanied by various interesting events. So, in 1928, Hans Eisler wrote a magnificent anthem for him in German. It was translated into Russian by I. L. Frenkel in 1929. In the chorus of the work the words were repeatedly heard: “Our slogan is the World Soviet Union!”
In general, when the Communist International was created, we already know that it was a difficult time. It is known that the command of the Red Army, together with the propaganda and agitation bureau of the Third International, prepared and published the book “Armed Uprising.” In 1928, this work was published in German, and in 1931 - in French. The work was written in the form of a textbook on the theory of organizing armed uprisings.
The book was created under the pseudonym A. Neuberg, its real authors were popular figures of the revolutionary worldwide movement.
Marxism-Leninism
What is Marxism-Leninism? This is a philosophical and socio-political doctrine about the laws of the struggle for the elimination of capitalist orders and the construction of communism. It was developed by V.I. Lenin, who developed the teachings of Marx and applied it in practice. The emergence of Marxism-Leninism confirmed the significance of Lenin's contribution to Marxism.
V.I. Lenin created such a magnificent teaching that in socialist countries it turned into the official “ideology of the working class.” The ideology was not static; it changed and adapted to the needs of the elite. By the way, it also included the teachings of regional communist leaders, which were important for the socialist powers led by them.
In the Soviet paradigm, the teachings of V.I. Lenin are the only correct scientific system of economic, philosophical and political-social views. Marxist-Leninist teaching is capable of integrating conceptual views regarding the study and revolutionary change of earthly space. It reveals the laws of social development, human thinking and nature, explains the class struggle and forms of transition to socialism (including the liquidation of capitalism), talks about the creative activity of workers engaged in building both communist and socialist societies.
The largest party in the world is the Chinese Communist Party. She follows in her endeavors the teachings of V.I. Lenin. Its charter contains the following words: “Marxism-Leninism found the laws of the historical evolution of mankind. His basic principles are always true and have a powerful vital force.”
First International
It is known that the Communist Internationals played the most important role in the struggle of the working people for better life. The International Working People's Association was officially named the First International. This is the first international working class formation, which was founded on September 28, 1864 in London.
This organization was liquidated after a split that occurred in 1872.
2nd International
The 2nd International (Workers or Socialist) was an international association of workers' socialist parties, created in 1889. It inherited the traditions of its predecessor, but since 1893 there have been no anarchists among its members. For continuous communication between party members, the Socialist International Bureau was registered in 1900, located in Brussels. The International made decisions that were not binding on its member parties.
Fourth International
The Fourth International is an international communist organization alternative to Stalinism. It is based on the theoretical heritage of Leon Trotsky. The objectives of this formation were the implementation of the world revolution, the victory of the working class and the creation of socialism.
This International was founded in 1938 by Trotsky and his associates in France. These people believed that the Comintern was completely controlled by the Stalinists, that it was not able to lead the working class of the entire planet to complete conquest political power. That is why, in counterbalance, they created their own “Fourth International,” whose members at that time were persecuted by NKVD agents. In addition, they were accused by supporters of the USSR and late Maoism of illegitimacy, and were pressed by the bourgeoisie (France and the USA).
This organization first suffered a split in 1940 and a more powerful split in 1953. Partial reunification took place in 1963, but many groups claim to be the political successors of the Fourth International.
Fifth International
What is the "Fifth International"? This is a term used to describe left-wing radicals who want to create a new international workers' organization based on the ideology of Marxist-Leninist teaching and Trotskyism. Members of this group consider themselves devotees of the First International, the Communist Third, the Trotskyist Fourth and the Second.
Communism
And in conclusion, let’s figure out what the Russian Communist Party is? It is based on communism. In Marxism it is a hypothetical economic and social order, which is based on social equality, public property created from the means of production.
One of the most famous internationalist communist slogans is the saying: “Workers of all countries, unite!” Few know who first said these famous words. But we will reveal a secret: this slogan was first expressed by Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx in the “Manifesto of the Communist Party”.
After the 19th century, the term "communism" was often used to refer to the socio-economic formation that Marxists predicted in their theoretical works. It was based on public ownership created from the means of production. In general, the classics of Marxism believe that the communist public implements the principle “To each according to his skills, to each according to his need!”
We hope that our readers will be able to understand the Communist Internationals with the help of this article.
International Communist Party (MCP, English Parti Communiste Internationaliste , PCI) - the name of several Trotskyist historical organizations operating in France in the 1930s-1960s, most notably the French section of the Fourth International in 1944-1969.
1930s
In France, an organization called the International Communist Party was first created in March 1936 by Raymond Molyneux and Pierre Franck. In June of the same year, the party merged with two other Trotskyist organizations to form the International Workers' Party. However, since October 1936 it has again operated as an independent organization. The party was not part of the Fourth International due to a number of disagreements with Leon Trotsky and the leadership of the international. It ceased to exist in the early 1940s.
Post-war period: 1944-1952
In 1944, through the merger of several Trotskyist groups - the International Workers' Party (IWP), the Committee of Communist Internationalists (KKI) and the October group - an organization was again created under the name of the International Communist Party. Preparations for unification were carried out on the initiative of the European Secretariat of the Fourth International, which began work in 1942. In December 1943, a meeting was held between representatives of the MCI, the CCI and the European Secretariat. In February - March 1944, the unification process was completed. According to the instructions of the conference of the European Secretariat, the Central Committee of the ITUC was formed, consisting of three representatives from the MCI, two from the CCI, one from the October group and Michel Pablo from the European Secretariat. The party published a newspaper, La Veritè, which received legal status in 1945.
The first congress of the ITUC took place in December 1944. The congress adopted a plan of action that included the following issues: “a reconstruction plan drawn up by the General Confederation of Labor, implemented under the control of workers' committees and nationalization without compensation; the government of the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the CGT; arming the people, workers' militia; international unity of workers' action."
A trade union commission operated within the framework of the ITUC. Party members actively participated in the first post-war strikes of 1945-1947. During the split of the General Confederation of Labor in 1947 and the creation of the CGT - “ Work force» The ITUC advocated the reunification of the confederation and published the newspaper Unité syndicale.
In the first post-war years, the MCP took part in various elections. For example, in 1945, the party's candidates participated in the elections to the Legislative Assembly in Paris and the Isère department, receiving a combined 10,817 votes. The party also participated in the general elections on June 1, 1946. It fielded 79 candidates in 11 different regions, receiving a total of 44,906 votes.
This period in the history of the party was marked by the formation of various factions within it. The “right” faction, to which Ivan Kraipo belonged, focused on working among activists of traditional left parties, in particular among the “Young Socialists,” the youth wing of the Socialist Party. In February 1946, the second congress of the ITUC was held. At it, Ivan Kraipo called for the creation of a revolutionary party “by uniting the progressive tendencies that are developing in the PCF and the Socialist Party.” However, this proposal was rejected by a majority vote.
The third congress took place in September 1946. At the third congress, the post of General Secretary of the ITUC was introduced, which was taken by Ivan Kraipo. At the Fourth Congress in November 1947, the “right” was severely criticized. At the same time, in 1947, representatives of the “right faction” established contacts with French intellectuals, David Rousset, Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus. They united in creating the Association of Democratic Revolutionaries ( Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire). This however led to the expulsion of Kraipo and his supporters from the party in 1948. This decision was confirmed at the 5th Party Congress in early 1948. Pierre Frank became the new general secretary of the ITUC.
In the 1940s and 1950s, the ITUC actively spoke out regarding world events. In particular, against French attempts to restore its influence in Indochina and Algeria. In addition, French Trotskyists responded to the break between Stalin and Tito in 1948. For some time they developed relations with the Yugoslav regime and its embassy in Paris. In the summer of 1950 they organized a French Youth Working Group to be sent to Yugoslavia to assist on a number of projects. The Association of Brigades in Yugoslavia was organized, which also published the brochure "La Brigade".
From the split to 1968
In 1952, the party experienced a split, which took shape organizationally in 1953 after the split of the Fourth International. The reason for the split was the tactics adopted by the Fourth International at the Third World Congress in 1951. In accordance with this tactic, Trotskyists had to join mass communist and social democratic parties. This tactic was known as entryism sui generis.
Cover of the newspaper Quatrième internationale June 1968
The French Trotskyists failed in their entry into the Communist Party. However, at the end of the 1950s, a split occurred in the SFIO, as a result of which the Autonomous Socialist Party was formed, which later transformed into the United Socialist Party (USP). Members of the ITUC decided to join the OSP. One of these activists was Rudolf Prager. He was elected to the Central Committee of the OSP, although he did not hide his affiliation with the Trotskyist movement. He remained a member of the OSP until the 1969 presidential election campaign, when he publicly supported the Communist League candidate Alain Krivin over the OSP candidate Michel Rocard.
In addition, the ITUC had influence in the Union of Communist Students (UCS), whose head was Alain Krivin in the early 1960s. Under the leadership of Krivin, the University Anti-Fascist Front was created ( Front Universitaire Antifasciste), whose task is to fight OAS supporters in the Latin Quarter of Paris and elsewhere. In 1965, at the SKS congress, supporters of Alain Krivin, who were the left wing of the SKS, began to fight for the “right to form trends” and the “consistent de-Stalinization of the PCF.” The following year, 1966, they were all expelled from the Communist Party and created the organization “Revolutionary Communist Youth” (RCM), which played an important role in the May 1968 events. Pierre Frank welcomed the creation of the RCM and provided the organization with full support.
The ITUC also actively participated in the May events. The MCP condemned the attempts of the official Communist Party to weaken the uprising. Its publications condemned the negotiations between the PCF and the CGT to end the general strike that was shaking France at the time, and called for the unity of workers and students, the overthrow of the de Gaulle government and the creation of a workers' government. After the end of the events of May - June 1968, both organizations were banned - both the RKM and the MKP. In 1969, they united into the Communist League, then better known as the Revolutionary Communist League.
Literature
- Robert J. Alexander. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. - Durham: Duke University Press, 1991.
- A. L. Semenov. Left student movement in France. - M.: “Science”, 1975.
Notes
| Predecessor: |
In the middle of the 19th century. As a result of the emergence of wage workers, a new large proletarian class was formed. Initially labor movement was of a local nature. Activists from among the workers organized small circles, among which Marxist ideology began to spread, calling for the creation of a new society in which there would be no exploitation.
The efforts of the communists, whose theories were based on the teachings of K. Marx and F. Engels, were aimed at uniting the working class throughout the world and using this powerful political force to fight the bourgeoisie and imperialism. Communists stood for national freedom and against racial hatred.
Workers and peasants in different countries of the world were in the same situation and experienced oppression and oppression from the bourgeoisie, so they supported the ideas of communism and began to create communist parties everywhere. Almost every country and every continent had its own communist parties at that time.
The Communist Party acted as a force that was capable of preparing and implementing revolutionary transformations of society on the basis of planned collectivism. Special meaning communist parties existed in colonial and dependent countries, they were able to unite the people in the struggle for their national independence.
In 1918, communist parties emerged in Germany, Poland, Finland, Austria, Hungary and the Netherlands. Social democratic parties in Bulgaria, Argentina, Sweden and Greece shared the ideas of the communists and actively supported them. At the same time, communist groups and circles formed in Italy, Czechoslovakia, France, Romania, Italy, Great Britain, Switzerland, Denmark, Switzerland, the USA, Canada, China, Korea, Brazil, Australia, the Union of South Africa and other countries of the world.
In January 1919, on the initiative of V.I. Lenin, a meeting of the leaders of communist parties and parties sharing the ideas of communism was held, at which it was decided to convene an international congress. Thus, with the participation of representatives of revolutionary proletarian parties in Europe, America, Asia and Australia, the Communist International was created, which united the labor movement throughout the world.
Thanks to the efforts of the communist parties, Soviet states arose in 1919 in Hungary, Bavaria, and Slovakia. In the USA, France, Great Britain and Italy, it was possible to organize a movement in defense of Soviet Russia from the intervention of imperialist powers. In the colonial and semi-colonial countries of China, Korea, India, Turkey and Afghanistan, a massive national liberation movement grew. The number of communist parties joining the Communist International grew every year.
Subsequently, in the face of the growing threat of fascism, the Comintern was able to unite communists from different countries into a united workers' front to fight the German and Japanese invaders. The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was at the forefront of the anti-fascist movement; its leading role in the fight against the aggressor was recognized in all countries.
In the largest cities of the world, communist parties held mass rallies, demonstrations, meetings and conferences, at which a decision was made on the active participation of workers in the struggle against the fascist invaders. Only through joint efforts and often in conditions of severe persecution was it possible to defeat the enemy. But even after the war, communication between communist parties from different countries continued and had a positive impact on strengthening friendly relations between the peoples of the world.
International Communist Party (MCP, English Parti Communiste Internationaliste , PCI) - the name of several Trotskyist historical organizations operating in France in the 1930s-1960s, most notably the French section of the Fourth International in 1944-1969.
1930s
In France, an organization called the International Communist Party was first created in March 1936 by Raymond Molyneux and Pierre Franck. In June of the same year, the party merged with two other Trotskyist organizations to form the International Workers' Party. However, since October 1936 it has again operated as an independent organization. The party was not part of the Fourth International due to a number of disagreements with Leon Trotsky and the leadership of the international. It ceased to exist in the early 1940s.
Post-war period: 1944-1952
In 1944, through the merger of several Trotskyist groups - the International Workers' Party (IWP), the Committee of Communist Internationalists (KKI) and the October group - an organization was again created under the name of the International Communist Party. Preparations for unification were carried out on the initiative of the European Secretariat of the Fourth International, which began work in 1942. In December 1943, a meeting was held between representatives of the MCI, the CCI and the European Secretariat. In February - March 1944, the unification process was completed. According to the instructions of the conference of the European Secretariat, the Central Committee of the ITUC was formed, consisting of three representatives from the MCI, two from the CCI, one from the October group and Michel Pablo from the European Secretariat. The party published a newspaper, La Veritè, which received legal status in 1945.
The first congress of the ITUC took place in December 1944. The congress adopted a plan of action that included the following issues: “a reconstruction plan drawn up by the General Confederation of Labor, implemented under the control of workers' committees and nationalization without compensation; the government of the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the CGT; arming the people, workers' militia; international unity of workers' action."
A trade union commission operated within the framework of the ITUC. Party members actively participated in the first post-war strikes of 1945-1947. During the split of the General Confederation of Labor in 1947 and the creation of the CGT - "Workforce", the ITUC advocated the reunification of the confederation and published the newspaper "Unité syndicale".
In the first post-war years, the MCP took part in various elections. For example, in 1945, the party's candidates participated in the elections to the Legislative Assembly in Paris and the Isère department, receiving a combined 10,817 votes. The party also participated in the general elections on June 1, 1946. It fielded 79 candidates in 11 different regions, receiving a total of 44,906 votes.
This period in the history of the party was marked by the formation of various factions within it. The “right” faction, to which Ivan Kraipo belonged, focused on working among activists of traditional left parties, in particular among the “Young Socialists,” the youth wing of the Socialist Party. In February 1946, the second congress of the ITUC was held. At it, Ivan Kraipo called for the creation of a revolutionary party “by uniting the progressive tendencies that are developing in the PCF and the Socialist Party.” However, this proposal was rejected by a majority vote.
The third congress took place in September 1946. At the third congress, the post of General Secretary of the ITUC was introduced, which was taken by Ivan Kraipo. At the Fourth Congress in November 1947, the “right” was severely criticized. At the same time, in 1947, representatives of the “right faction” established contacts with French intellectuals, David Rousset, Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus. They united in creating the Association of Democratic Revolutionaries ( Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire). This however led to the expulsion of Kraipo and his supporters from the party in 1948. This decision was confirmed at the 5th Party Congress in early 1948. Pierre Frank became the new general secretary of the ITUC.
In the 1940s and 1950s, the ITUC actively spoke out regarding world events. In particular, against French attempts to restore its influence in Indochina and Algeria. In addition, French Trotskyists responded to the break between Stalin and Tito in 1948. For some time they developed relations with the Yugoslav regime and its embassy in Paris. In the summer of 1950 they organized a French Youth Working Group to be sent to Yugoslavia to assist on a number of projects. The Association of Brigades in Yugoslavia was organized, which also published the brochure "La Brigade".
From the split to 1968
In 1952, the party experienced a split, which took shape organizationally in 1953 after the split of the Fourth International. The reason for the split was the tactics adopted by the Fourth International at the Third World Congress in 1951. In accordance with this tactic, Trotskyists had to join mass communist and social democratic parties. This tactic was known as entryism sui generis.
Cover of the newspaper Quatrième internationale June 1968
The French Trotskyists failed in their entry into the Communist Party. However, at the end of the 1950s, a split occurred in the SFIO, as a result of which the Autonomous Socialist Party was formed, which later transformed into the United Socialist Party (USP). Members of the ITUC decided to join the OSP. One of these activists was Rudolf Prager. He was elected to the Central Committee of the OSP, although he did not hide his affiliation with the Trotskyist movement. He remained a member of the OSP until the 1969 presidential election campaign, when he publicly supported the Communist League candidate Alain Krivin over the OSP candidate Michel Rocard.
In addition, the ITUC had influence in the Union of Communist Students (UCS), whose head was Alain Krivin in the early 1960s. Under the leadership of Krivin, the University Anti-Fascist Front was created ( Front Universitaire Antifasciste), whose task is to fight OAS supporters in the Latin Quarter of Paris and elsewhere. In 1965, at the SKS congress, supporters of Alain Krivin, who were the left wing of the SKS, began to fight for the “right to form trends” and the “consistent de-Stalinization of the PCF.” The following year, 1966, they were all expelled from the Communist Party and created the organization “Revolutionary Communist Youth” (RCM), which played an important role in the May 1968 events. Pierre Frank welcomed the creation of the RCM and provided the organization with full support.
The ITUC also actively participated in the May events. The MCP condemned the attempts of the official Communist Party to weaken the uprising. Its publications condemned the negotiations between the PCF and the CGT to end the general strike that was shaking France at the time, and called for the unity of workers and students, the overthrow of the de Gaulle government and the creation of a workers' government. After the end of the events of May - June 1968, both organizations were banned - both the RKM and the MKP. In 1969, they united into the Communist League, then better known as the Revolutionary Communist League.
Literature
- Robert J. Alexander. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. - Durham: Duke University Press, 1991.
- A. L. Semenov. Left student movement in France. - M.: “Science”, 1975.
Notes
| Predecessor: |
