Diplomatic victory Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich. Prince Gorchakov: great chancellor of the empire, last lyceum student

: Goa - Engraver. Source: vol. IX (1893): Goa - Engraver, p. 340-344 ( · index) Other sources: VE : MESBE :

Gorchakov(Prince Alexander Mikhailovich) - famous diplomat, Russian sovereign. Chancellor, b. July 4, 1798; He was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he was a friend of Pushkin. In his youth, “a pet of fashion, a friend of the great world, a brilliant observer of customs” (as Pushkin characterized him in one of his letters), G., until his late old age, was distinguished by those qualities that were considered most necessary for a diplomat; but, in addition to secular talents and salon wit, he also possessed a significant literary education, which was subsequently reflected in his eloquent diplomatic notes. Circumstances early allowed him to study all the behind-the-scenes springs of international politics in Europe. In 1820-22 he served under Count Nesselrod at congresses in Troppau, Laibach and Verona; in 1822 he was appointed secretary of the embassy in London, where he remained until 1827; then he was in the same position at the mission in Rome, in 1828 he was transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, from there to Florence as a charge d'affaires, in 1833 - as an embassy adviser in Vienna. In 1841, he was sent to Stuttgart to arrange the proposed marriage of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna with the Crown Prince of Württemberg, and after the wedding, he remained there as envoy extraordinary for twelve years. From Stuttgart he had the opportunity to closely follow the progress of the revolutionary movement in Southern Germany and the events of 1848-49. in Frankfurt am Main. At the end of 1850, he was appointed commissioner to the German Diet in Frankfurt, retaining his previous post at the Württemberg court. Russian influence dominated the political life of Germany at that time. In the restored Union Sejm, the Russian government saw “the guarantee of preserving common peace.” Prince Gorchakov stayed in Frankfurt am Main for four years; there he became especially close friends with the Prussian representative, Bismarck. Bismarck was then a supporter of a close alliance with Russia and ardently supported its policies, for which Emperor Nicholas expressed special gratitude to him (according to the report of the Russian representative at the Sejm after G., D. G. Glinka). G., like Nesselrode, did not share the passions of Emperor Nicholas on the Eastern issue, and the diplomatic campaign that had begun against Turkey aroused great fears in him; he tried to at least contribute to maintaining friendship with Prussia and Austria, as far as this could depend on his personal efforts. In the summer of 1854, G. was transferred to Vienna, where at first he temporarily managed the embassy instead of Meyendorff, who was closely related to the Austrian minister, Count. Buol, and in the spring of 1855 he was finally appointed envoy to the Austrian court. During this critical period, when Austria “surprised the world with its ingratitude” and was preparing to act together with France and England against Russia (under the treaty of December 2, 1854), the position of the Russian envoy in Vienna was extremely difficult and responsible. After the death of the emperor. Nicholas, a conference of representatives of the great powers was convened in Vienna to determine the conditions of peace; but the negotiations in which Drouin de Louis and Lord John Rossel participated did not lead to a positive result, partly thanks to the art and perseverance of G. Austria again separated from the cabinets hostile to us and declared itself neutral. The fall of Sevastopol served as a signal for a new intervention by the Vienna cabinet, which itself, in the form of an ultimatum, presented Russia with well-known demands for an agreement with the Western powers. The Russian government was forced to accept the Austrian proposals, and in February 1856 a congress met in Paris to develop a final peace treaty.

The Treaty of Paris on March 18/30, 1856 ended the era of Russia’s active participation in Western European political affairs. Count Nesselrode retired, and Prince G. was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs (in April 1856). G. felt all the bitterness of defeat more than anyone else: he personally endured the most important stages of the struggle against political hostility Western Europe, in the very center of hostile combinations - Vienna. The painful impressions of the Crimean War and the Vienna conferences left their mark on G.'s subsequent activities as a minister. His general views on the tasks of international diplomacy could no longer seriously change; his political program was clearly determined by the circumstances under which he had to take over the management of the ministry. First of all, it was necessary to observe great restraint in the first years, while great internal changes were taking place; then Prince Gorchakov set himself two practical goals - firstly, to repay Austria for its behavior in 1854-55, and secondly, to achieve the gradual destruction of the Paris Treaty.

In 1856, Prince. G. avoided participating in diplomatic measures against the abuses of the Neapolitan government, citing the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of foreign powers (circ. note 22/10 September); at the same time, he made it clear that Russia was not giving up its right to vote in European international issues, but was only gathering strength for the future: “La Russie ne boude pas - elle se recueille.” This phrase had great success in Europe and was accepted as an accurate description of the political situation in Russia after the Crimean War. Three years later, Prince. G. stated that “Russia is leaving the position of restraint that it considered obligatory for itself after the Crimean War.” The Italian crisis of 1859 seriously worried our diplomacy: G. proposed convening a congress for a peaceful resolution of the issue, and when war turned out to be inevitable, he kept the minor German states from joining the policy of Austria and insisted on the purely defensive significance of the German Confederation (in note 15/27 May 1859). From April 1859, Bismarck was the Prussian envoy in St. Petersburg, and the solidarity of both diplomats regarding Austria did not remain without influence on the further course of events. Russia openly stood on the side of Napoleon III in his conflict with Austria over Italy. There was a noticeable turn in Russian-French relations, which was officially prepared by the meeting of the two emperors in Stuttgart in 1857. But this rapprochement was very fragile, and after the triumph of the French over Austria under Magenta and Solferino, G. again seemed to be reconciled with the Viennese cabinet. In 1860, he considered it timely to remind Europe of the disastrous state of Christian nations subject to the Turkish government, and expressed the idea of international conference for the revision of the provisions of the Treaty of Paris on this subject (Note 20/2 May 1860); he expressed at the same time that “events in the West responded in the East as encouragement and hope” and that “conscience does not allow Russia to remain silent any longer about the unfortunate situation of Christians in the East.” The attempt was unsuccessful and was abandoned as premature. In October of the same 1860, Prince. G. already speaks of the common interests of Europe affected by the successes national movement in Italy; on the note 10 Oct. (Sept. 28) he hotly reproaches the Sardinian government for its actions regarding Tuscany, Parma, Modena: “this is no longer a question of Italian interests, but of the common interests inherent in all governments; this is a question that has a direct connection with those eternal laws, without which neither order, nor peace, nor security can exist in Europe. The need to fight anarchy does not justify the Sardinian government, because one should not go along with the revolution in order to take advantage of its inheritance.” Condemning the popular aspirations of Italy so sharply, G. retreated from the principle of non-interference, which he proclaimed in 1856 regarding the abuses of the Neapolitan king, and involuntarily returned to the traditions of the era of congresses and the Holy Alliance; but his protest, although supported by Austria and Prussia, had no practical consequences.

The Polish question that appeared on the scene finally upset the nascent “friendship” of Russia with the empire of Napoleon III and consolidated the alliance with Prussia. At the head of the Prussian government in September. 1862 Bismarck rose. Since then, the policy of our Minister has paralleled the bold diplomacy of his Prussian brother, supporting and protecting it as far as possible. Prussia concluded a military convention with Russia on February 8. (March 27) 1863 to facilitate the task of Russian troops in the fight against the Polish uprising. The intercession of England, Austria and France for the national rights of the Poles was decisively rejected by the prince. G., when it took the form of direct diplomatic intervention (in April 1863). Skillful and, in the end, energetic correspondence on the Polish issue gave G. the glory of a top diplomat and made his name famous in Europe and Russia. This was the highest, culminating point of the prince’s political career. G. Meanwhile, his ally, Bismarck, began to implement his program, equally taking advantage of both the dreamy gullibility of Napoleon III and the constant friendship and assistance of the Russian minister. The Schleswig-Holstein dispute escalated and forced the cabinets to postpone concerns about Poland. Napoleon III again floated his favorite idea of ​​a congress (at the end of October 1863) and again proposed it shortly before the formal break between Prussia and Austria (in April 1866), but without success. Book G., approving the French project in principle, objected both times to the practical expediency of the congress under the given circumstances. A war began, which with unexpected speed led to the complete triumph of the Prussians. Peace negotiations were carried out without any interference from other powers; The idea of ​​a congress came to the prince. G., but was immediately abandoned by him, due to his reluctance to do something unpleasant to the victors. Moreover, Napoleon III this time abandoned the idea of ​​a congress in view of Bismarck’s tempting secret promises regarding territorial rewards for France.

The brilliant success of Prussia in 1866 further strengthened its official friendship with Russia. Antagonism with France and mute opposition from Austria forced the Berlin cabinet to firmly adhere to the Russian alliance, while Russian diplomacy could completely retain freedom of action and had no intention of imposing on itself unilateral obligations beneficial exclusively for the neighboring power. The Candiot uprising against Turkish oppression, which lasted almost two years (from the autumn of 1866), gave Austria and France a reason to seek rapprochement with Russia on the basis of the eastern question; the Austrian minister Count Beist even admitted the idea of ​​revising the Treaty of Paris for the general improvement of the life of Christian subjects of Turkey. The project of annexing Candia to Greece found support in Paris and Vienna, but was coldly received in St. Petersburg. The demands of Greece were not satisfied, and the matter was limited to the transformation local administration on the ill-fated island, with the assumption of some autonomy of the population. For Bismarck, it was completely undesirable for Russia to achieve anything in the East before the expected war in the West with the assistance of outside powers. Prince G. saw no reason to exchange Berlin friendship for any other; Having decided to follow Prussian policy, he chose to surrender to it with confidence, without doubts or worries. However, serious political measures and combinations did not always depend on the minister or chancellor, since the personal feelings and views of the sovereigns constituted a very important element in the international politics of that time. When the prelude to the bloody struggle broke out in the summer of 1870, Prince G. was in Wildbad and - according to the testimony of our diplomatic body, the Journal de St. Pétersbourg,” was no less amazed than others by the unexpectedness of the gap between France and Prussia. “Upon my return to St. Petersburg. he could only fully join the decision taken by Emperor Alexander II to keep Austria from participating in the war in order to avoid the need for intervention from Russia. The Chancellor expressed only regret that reciprocity of services had not been agreed upon with the Berlin cabinet for the proper protection of Russian interests” (“Journ. de St. Pet.”, March 1, 1883). The Franco-Prussian war was considered inevitable by everyone, and both powers had been openly preparing for it since 1867; therefore, the absence of preliminary decisions and conditions regarding such important issue, as support for Prussia in its struggle with France. Obviously, Prince G. did not foresee that the empire of Napoleon III would be so brutally defeated; and yet the Russian government took the side of Prussia in advance and with complete determination, risking drawing the country into a clash with victorious France and its ally Austria and not caring about any specific benefits for Russia, even in the event of the complete triumph of Prussian weapons. Our diplomacy not only kept Austria from interfering, but diligently protected Prussia's freedom of military and political action throughout the duration of the war, until the final peace negotiations and the signing of the Frankfurt Treaty. The gratitude of Wilhelm I, expressed in a telegram on February 14/26, 1871 to the Emperor, is understandable. Alexander II. Prussia has achieved its cherished goal and created a new one powerful empire with the significant assistance of Prince G., and the Russian chancellor took advantage of this change in circumstances to destroy the 2nd article of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. The dispatch of October 17 / 29, 1870, notifying the cabinets of this decision of Russia, caused a rather sharp response from Lord Grenville, but all the great powers agreed to revise the said article of the Treaty of Paris and again allow Russia to keep a navy in the Black Sea, which was what happened approved by the London Conference in 1871

After the defeat of France, the mutual relations between Bismarck and Gorchakov changed significantly: the German Chancellor outgrew his old friend and no longer needed him. From this time on, a series of bitter disappointments began for Russian diplomacy, which gave a sad, melancholic hue to the entire last period of G.'s activity. Anticipating that the Eastern question would not be slow to arise again in one form or another, Bismarck hastened to arrange a new political combination with the participation of Austria as a counterweight to Russia in the East. Russia's entry into this triple alliance, which began in September. 1872, made Russian foreign policy dependent not only on Berlin, but also on Vienna, without any need for that. Austria could only benefit from the constant mediation and assistance of Germany in relations with Russia, and Russia was left to protect the so-called pan-European, i.e., essentially the same Austrian, interests, the range of which was increasingly expanding in the Balkan Peninsula. Having bound himself to this system of preliminary agreements and concessions, Prince G. allowed or was forced to allow the country to be drawn into a difficult, bloody war, with the obligation not to derive any corresponding benefit from it for the state and to be guided in determining the results of victory by the interests and desires of alien and partly hostile cabinets. In minor or extraneous matters, such as, for example, in the recognition of the government of Marshal Serrano in Spain in 1874, Prince. G. often disagreed with Bismarck, but in the essential and most important things he still trustingly obeyed his suggestions. A serious disagreement occurred only in 1875, when the Russian chancellor assumed the role of guardian of France and general peace from the encroachments of the Prussian military party and officially informed the powers of the success of his efforts in a note on April 30 (May 12) of the same year. Book Bismarck harbored irritation and maintained his former friendship in view of the emerging Balkan crisis, in which his participation was required in favor of Austria and, indirectly, Germany; later he repeatedly stated that relations with Gorchakov and Russia were spoiled by his “inappropriate” public intercession for France in 1875. All phases of eastern complications were passed through by the Russian government as part of the Triple Alliance, until it came to war; and after Russia fought and dealt with Turkey, the Triple Alliance again came into its own and, with the help of England, determined the final peace conditions most beneficial for the Vienna cabinet.

In April 1877 Russia declared war on Turkey. Even with the declaration of war, the elderly chancellor associated the fiction of authority from Europe, so that the paths to independent and open defense of Russian interests on the Balkan Peninsula after the enormous sacrifices of the two-year campaign were cut off in advance. Prince G. promised Austria that Russia would not go beyond the limits of the moderate program when concluding peace; in England it was entrusted to gr. Shuvalov to declare that the Russian army would not cross the Balkans, but the promise was taken back after it had already been transferred to the London cabinet - which aroused displeasure and gave another reason for protests. Hesitations, errors and contradictions in the actions of diplomacy accompanied all the changes in the theater of war. The Treaty of San Stefano on February 19 (March 3), 1878 created a vast Bulgaria, but increased Serbia and Montenegro with only small territorial increments, left Bosnia and Herzegovina under Turkish rule and gave nothing to Greece, so almost everyone was extremely dissatisfied with the treaty Balkan peoples and precisely those who made the most sacrifices in the fight against the Turks - Serbs and Montenegrins, Bosniaks and Herzegovinians. The Great Powers had to intercede for the offended Greece, make territorial gains for the Serbs and arrange the fate of the Bosniaks and Herzegovinians, whom Russian diplomacy had previously given under the rule of Austria (according to the Reichstadt Agreement of July 8/June 26, 1876). There could be no question of avoiding the congress, as Bismarck managed after Sadovaya. England was apparently preparing for war. Russia proposed to the German Chancellor to organize a congress in Berlin; between gr. Shuvalov and the Marquis of Salisbury reached an agreement on May 30/12 regarding issues to be discussed between the powers. At the Berlin Congress (from June 1/13 to July 1/13, 1878), Prince G. rarely and rarely participated in meetings; he attached particular importance to the fact that part of Bessarabia, taken from it under the Treaty of Paris, should be returned to Russia, and Romania should receive Dobruja in return. England's proposal for the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austrian troops was warmly supported by the chairman of the congress, Bismarck, against the Turkish commissioners; book G. also spoke out in favor of occupation (meeting June 16/28). The German Chancellor supported everything positively stated Russian demand, but could not, of course, go further than Russian diplomats in protecting political interests Russia - and our diplomacy, from the beginning of the crisis to the end, acted without clearly defined goals and without deliberate methods of execution. Blaming Bismarck for our military-political mistakes and shortcomings would be too naive; he himself was confident that Russia would put an end to the eastern question this time and would be able to take advantage of the principle of “beati possidentes”, giving Austria and England a certain share of participation in the Turkish inheritance. Prince G. cared primarily about the consent of the powers, about the interests of Europe, about the selflessness of Russia, which, however, did not require such bloody and difficult evidence as war. The destruction of individual articles of the Treaty of Paris, which was more a matter of diplomatic pride than a serious state interest, came to the fore. Later, part of the Russian press brutally attacked Germany and its chancellor as allegedly the main culprit of our failures; There was a cooling between both powers, and in September 1879, Prince Bismarck decided to conclude a special defensive alliance against Russia in Vienna. Political career Prince Gorchakov ended with the Berlin Congress; From then on, he took almost no part in affairs, although he retained the honorary title of State Chancellor. He died in Baden on February 27. 1883. He ceased to be a minister, even nominally, in March 1882, when N.K. Girs was appointed in his place.

To correctly assess Gorchakov’s entire activity, it is necessary to keep in mind two circumstances. Firstly, its political character was developed and finally established during the reign of Emperor Nicholas, in that era when it was considered obligatory for Russia to take care of the fate of various European dynasties, to work for balance and harmony in Europe, even to the detriment of the real interests and needs of its own country . Secondly, Russian foreign policy is not always directed solely by the foreign minister. Next to Gorchakov, although under his nominal leadership, Count Ignatiev and Count acted on behalf of Russia. Shuvalov, who had little agreement among themselves and were hardly in solidarity with the Chancellor himself in many respects: this lack of unity was expressed especially sharply in the drafting of the Treaty of San Stefano and in the way it was defended at the congress. Book G. was a sincere supporter of peace and, nevertheless, had to, against his will, bring matters to war. This war, as was stated frankly in the Journal de St.-Pétersbourg after his death, “was a complete overthrow of the entire political system of the prince. Gorchakov, which seemed to him mandatory for Russia for many years to come. When war became inevitable, the Chancellor stated that he could guarantee Russia against a hostile coalition only under two conditions - namely, if the war was short and if the goal of the campaign was moderate, without crossing the Balkans. These views were accepted by the imperial government. Thus we were undertaking a half-war, and it could only lead to half-peace.” Meanwhile, the war turned out to be real and very difficult, and its comparative futility was partly the result of the semi-politics of Prince Gorchakov. His hesitations and half-measures reflected, as it were, a struggle between two directions - the traditional, ambitiously international one, and the practical one, based on an understanding of the internal interests of the state. This vagueness of the initial point of view and the absence of a precise practical program were revealed primarily in the fact that events were never foreseen in advance and always took us by surprise. Bismarck's sober, vital methods did not have a noticeable impact on the diplomacy of the prince. Gorchakova. The latter still adhered to many outdated traditions and remained a diplomat old school, for which a skillfully written note is an end in itself. The pale figure of G. could seem bright only due to the absence of his rivals in Russia and the calm course of political affairs.

Since with the name of the prince. G. is closely related political history Russia during the reign of the Emperor. Alexander II, then information and discussions about him can be found in every historical essay, relating to Russian politics over this quarter of a century. A more detailed, although very one-sided, characterization of our chancellor in comparison with Bismarck was made in the well-known French book Yuliana Klyachko: “Deux Chanceliers. Le prince Gortschakoff et le prince de Bismarck" (P., 1876).

Alexander Gorchakov was born on June 15, 1798 in the Estonian city of Gapsala in the family of Major General Prince Mikhail Gorchakov and Baroness Elena Dorothea Fersen.

“Gorchakov came from, albeit not a very rich, but aristocratic family, and this largely determined him later life“, said Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor at Moscow State University in an interview with RT. M.V. Lomonosov Oleg Airapetov.

The young prince received his education at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he studied.

However, historians note that, contrary to some stories, Gorchakov was not a close friend of Pushkin.

According to reviews of contemporaries, very capable in the most different areas knowledge, Gorchakov nevertheless envied Pushkin’s literary talent and, at every opportunity, tried in the presence of the poet to emphasize his noble origin.

“Nevertheless, when Pushkin was sent into exile, Gorchakov was not afraid to visit him in 1825. This is a worthy act for a young official. Although their relationship was still cool then,” Airapetov noted.

• A.S. Pushkin. Portrait of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov (1798-1883), future Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire and Chancellor

Despite this, the poet dedicated several famous poems to his lyceum friend, calling him “happy from the first days” and “a pet of fashion, a friend of the great world.” It is interesting that of the entire “Pushkin” issue, it was Gorchakov who lived the longest life. It so happened that these lines of the great poet were addressed to him:

“Which of us, in our old age, has the day of the Lyceum
Will you have to celebrate alone?
Unhappy friend! among new generations
The annoying guest is both superfluous and alien,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing my eyes with a trembling hand..."

"Solid back"

In 1819, Gorchakov entered service with the rank of chamber cadet. As his teachers said, he was destined to realize himself precisely as a diplomat. In the early 1820s, he was an official under the head of the Russian foreign policy department, Count Karl Nesselrod. Subsequently, Gorchakov served as secretary of the embassies in London and Rome, and also served in various diplomatic posts in Berlin, Florence and Vienna.

“Gorchakov was distinguished by a special feature that, unfortunately, was not characteristic of many other officials both in his era and in other times. He was a man with a strong back, not inclined to bend in front of anyone,” Airapetov noted in a conversation with RT.

The young diplomat did not curry favor with Nesselrode, and when, during a visit to Vienna, Count Alexander Benckendorff, the chief of gendarmes and one of the statesmen closest to Nicholas I, demanded that Gorchakov serve him lunch, he defiantly rang the bell and noted that on such issues It is customary to address the servants. However, such “obstinacy” caused the promising diplomat a lot of trouble.

In 1838, Gorchakov proposed to the niece of his boss Dmitry Tatishchev, Maria, the widow of Ivan Musin-Pushkin and one of the first beauties of Russia. However, Tatishchev, who was looking for a more profitable match for his relative, was set against Gorchakov by the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince Metternich, who did not like the young diplomat for his intransigence and emphasized “Russianness.” Therefore, in order to get married, Gorchakov pointedly submitted his resignation. And Nesselrode accepted him without question.

• MM. Duffinger. Maria Alexandrovna Musina-Pushkina (detail of miniature)

After the wedding, Gorchakov decided to return to service, but it turned out to be difficult. He was never confirmed as envoy to Ottoman Empire, despite the help of sister Sofia Radziwill and father-in-law Alexander Urusov, the president of the Moscow Palace Office.

“Because of his character, Gorchakov found himself locked into relatively minor envoy positions in the principalities of the German Confederation for more than a decade,” Airapetov said.

Career rise

In 1854, during the Crimean War, Gorchakov served as Russian envoy in Vienna. A year later, he was officially confirmed in this post.

“It was a very responsible place, and Gorchakov showed himself worthily there,” noted Airapetov.

Austria, despite the help that Russia provided it during the revolution of 1848, supported the actions of England and France in the Crimean War. And Gorchakov made every effort to ensure that Vienna did not take new anti-Russian steps. After the death of Nicholas I, Russian diplomats even achieved Austria's transition to a policy of neutrality.

“Gorchakov did not go to the Paris Congress, which resulted in the adoption of enslaving conditions for Russia on the demilitarization of the Black Sea and the seizure of lands in Bessarabia. The diplomats of the outgoing era of Nicholas I had to turn this page. Gorchakov, with whom the future of Russian foreign policy was linked, had nothing to do there,” the expert emphasized.

• Fragment of the panorama “Defense of Sevastopol”

After the end of the Crimean War, Count Nesselrode resigned, and his successor as Minister of Foreign Affairs was Gorchakov, who had proven himself well in Vienna.

“Although Gorchakov is often contrasted with Nesselrode in historiography, this is not entirely true. They were both, as befits diplomats, “people of nuances.” The program tasks that Gorchakov set for the Foreign Ministry largely duplicated what Nesselrode planned to do. He then needed to avoid worsening relations with Austria, improve relations with Prussia and improve relations with France,” said Airapetov.

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Gorchakov needed to change the conditions of the political combination that had developed at any cost. This period of his activity dates back to famous saying that Russian diplomacy plans to regain control of the Black Sea and Bessarabia without money and without shedding a drop of Russian blood, as well as the words: “Russia is not angry, Russia is concentrating.”

True, historians admit that at first Gorchakov made a mistake in believing that the French Emperor Napoleon III would support Russia. However, he made only vague promises, primarily solving his own foreign policy problems. During the Polish uprising of 1863, France, together with Great Britain and Austria, once again took a tough anti-Russian position. The only European power to take the side of St. Petersburg was Prussia.

After the Austro-Prussian-Italian War, which led to the strengthening of Prussia, its relations with France sharply deteriorated. For the French, a united Germany was a danger, and new war was almost inevitable. Russia relied on Prussia in this confrontation, although domestic diplomats did not rule out that Paris and Vienna would gain the upper hand and then act against the Russians. However, France was the loser.

“Alexander II and Gorchakov decided that both victorious Germany and defeated France no longer cared about the demilitarization of the Black Sea, and England itself would not dare to active actions. And Russia announced that it would no longer comply with the demands of the Paris Congress,” Leonid Lyashenko, candidate of historical sciences, professor of the Department of Russian History at Moscow State Pedagogical University, told RT.

Gorchakov kept his promise. Russia actually reversed the decisions of the Paris Congress bloodlessly and without expense. According to Oleg Airapetov, this was “the peak of Minister Gorchakov’s career.”

For his achievements, the diplomat was awarded the title of lordship, as well as the highest civilian rank of the Russian Empire - chancellor.

In 1872, Gorchakov consolidated his success in Russian-German relations by becoming one of the initiators of the union of Russia, Germany and Austria.

Historians note that some narcissism and a tendency toward narcissism, which were characteristic of Alexander Gorchakov, only progressed with age, which sometimes greatly irritated those around him.

"IN national historiography They tend to idealize Gorchakov. But this was not an ideal, but a living person with his own advantages and disadvantages. Of course, it’s very bright,” Airapetov noted.

"The Blackest Day"

According to the expert, Gorchakov was a very cautious person.

“After the Crimean War, he was very afraid of creating a new anti-Russian military alliance and therefore kept the tsar from active politics in the Balkans and in Central Asia"- said Airapetov.

And yet, in 1877, the Russian authorities, under the influence of the military, declared war on Turkey, which turned out to be very successful for St. Petersburg. And in 1878, a deal beneficial for Russia was concluded. However, the Europeans were not satisfied with his conditions, and they initiated the Berlin Congress.

“In those days, the elderly Gorchakov felt very bad, he could not even stand on his feet, he was carried in a chair. While communicating with a British representative, he mistakenly immediately showed him maps where the maximum concessions that St. Petersburg was ready for were marked. And the British diplomat immediately told all the participants of the congress about this. As a result, the negotiations ended according to the worst scenario for Russia and its supporters. Gorchakov later told Alexander II that this was the darkest day in his life. Alexander II responded to this that it was his too,” Lyashenko said in an interview with RT.

• Berlin Congress July 13, 1878

After the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov actually retired and spent a lot of time receiving treatment abroad. In March 1882, he officially resigned as minister, and on April 9 of the same year he died in Baden-Baden. Gorchakov was buried in St. Petersburg. After his death, the rank of chancellor was no longer awarded to anyone.

According to Lyashenko, Gorchakov became one of the first statesmen in the history of the Russian Empire who thought in terms of national interests.

“However, he made the mistake of many of our other outstanding compatriots - he failed to leave on time,” the expert concluded.

215 years ago, His Serene Highness Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, a prominent Russian diplomat, whose name is inscribed in “golden letters” in the history of Russian diplomacy, was born.statesman, Chancellor, Knight of the Order of St. Apostle Andrew the First-Called.

Yes, you kept your word:
Without moving a gun, not a ruble,
Comes into its own again
Native Russian land -

And the sea bequeathed to us
Again a free wave,
Having forgotten about the brief shame,
He kisses his native shore.

F. I. Tyutchev

Alexander Mikhailovich was born on June 15, 1798 in Gapsala into a military family. His father, Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, was often assigned to different cities due to his duties, and the family lived either in Gapsala, or in Revel, or in St. Petersburg. The mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen, was in charge of raising the children, and there were five of them in the family - four daughters and a son. Elementary education Alexander received a home and then graduated from high school in St. Petersburg.

In 1811, he “passed brilliantly” the entrance exams and entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. Here he studied in the same class with A. S. Pushkin, who dedicated one poem to him, predicting a brilliant future:

The wayward hand of Fortune has shown you a path both happy and glorious.

At the Lyceum, Gorchakov receives the nickname “Front” and is accepted into the fraternity of 30 boys. After spending six years at the Lyceum, he graduates with a gold medal for “exemplary good behavior, diligence and excellent success in all parts of the sciences.”

At the age of 19, the young prince began his diplomatic career in the Foreign Ministry with the rank of titular adviser. His first teacher and mentor was the Secretary of State for Eastern and Greek Affairs, Count I. A. Kapodistrias, with whom Alexander Gorchakov, as part of the Russian delegation, participated in the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. And if the young diplomat’s relationship with his mentor was excellent, then Gorchakov did not enjoy the favor of Count K.V. Nesselrode, Secretary of State for Western European Affairs. Count Nesselrode did his best to slow down his career advancement. At the end of 1819, Gorchakov received the rank of chamber cadet, and soon the position of secretary of the Russian embassy in London, which he had long dreamed of.

Since the beginning of his service in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Gorchakov has well mastered the subtleties of diplomatic art and did not interfere in the struggle of departmental groupings of the ministry, but was engaged in improving his professional skills. Having received an appointment to London, he quickly began to make a career: 1820 - secretary of the embassy, ​​1822 - first secretary, 1824 - the rank of court adviser, which testified to the emperor's recognition of the abilities and talents of the young diplomat.

Gorchakov remained in London until 1827. His relationship with the Russian Ambassador Lieven left much to be desired, and Alexander Mikhailovich left London “due to deteriorating health.” He was transferred to the post of First Secretary in Rome - a place less prestigious than London. Here Gorchakov makes useful acquaintances, among whom the daughter of Josephine Beauharnais, Hortense, the mother of the future French emperor Louis Napoleon, studies Greek language and delves into the state of affairs in the Balkans. A year later he is transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, but soon returns to Italy again as charge d'affaires

Before his resignation, Gorchakov served in Florence and Lucca, was an envoy to Tuscany, and an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. He retired in 1838 with the rank of state councilor. His departure from service was caused not only by his marriage to Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, whose marriage strengthened Gorchakov’s position at court, since his wife’s family was rich and influential, but also by his relationship with Count Nesselrode, which was far from friendly. Alexander Mikhailovich secretly hoped that the resignation would not be accepted, but it was accepted, which greatly offended the ambitious diplomat.

As time passed, life in the capital and entertainment at court smoothed out the bitterness of leaving the service. Alexander Mikhailovich kept waiting for him to be invited again to take up a position in the Foreign Ministry, but no invitation was received. Seeing his son-in-law's concern, Count Urusov begins to promote his return to service.

Returning to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in 1841 Gorchakov was sent as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg. The appointment seemed secondary, but in fact the German question was one of the central issues in Russia’s European policy. In St. Petersburg they closely followed internal processes in the German states, behind the struggle between Austria and Prussia, who wanted to play a leading role in the unification of Germany. Gorchakov’s task boiled down to maintaining the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and skillfully using contradictions, since the creation of a strong, united Germany on the borders of the empire was unsafe for Russia. The diplomat's connections at the court of the Württemberg princes helped Gorchakov transfer unique material to St. Petersburg about the secret plans of the governments of the countries of the German Union. The activities of Alexander Mikhailovich were highly appreciated. The King of Württemberg awarded him the Order of the Grand Cross, and Emperor Nicholas I presented him with the Orders of St. Anne and St. Vladimir. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed to the post of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the German Confederation.

In 1853, Alexander Mikhailovich suffered a personal tragedy - the death of his wife, with whom they lived happily for 15 years. Caring for his sons and the children from Maria Alexandrovna’s first marriage fell on his shoulders. Concern for their upbringing did not prevent him from continuing active diplomatic activity, which acquired special weight on the eve of the Crimean War. In these difficult years for Russia, Gorchakov once again declared himself to be a diplomat of the highest class.

In 1854 he received an appointment as ambassador to Vienna. England and France have already taken the side of Turkey. Austria was still hesitant, and Gorchakov's task was reduced to eliminating Austria as a possible ally of Turkey in the fight against Russia. The task was very difficult, and Nicholas I, accompanying Gorchakov to Vienna, told him “I trust you, but I do not at all hope that your efforts will be crowned with success.” Arriving in Vienna, Alexander Mikhailovich personally became convinced that the emperor’s fears were not in vain. He immediately reported to St. Petersburg about the gathering of Austrian troops to Transylvania, which threatened the Russian army on the Danube, about the demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the Danube principalities, about the attempts of the Austrian government to involve Prussia in the war with Russia. Having great authority and making enormous efforts, Gorchakov managed to prevent Austria from entering the Crimean War.

At the Paris Congress, which began in February 1856, Russian interests were represented by diplomats A.F. Orlov and F.I. Brunnov. The heroic defense of Sevastopol, the capture of Kars and successful work Gorchakov’s efforts to weaken the anti-Russian coalition played an important role in the respectful attitude of the congress participants towards the Russian delegation. Gorchakov himself was not in Paris, and when the work of the congress was completed, he was already in St. Petersburg. His successful activity for protecting the interests of Russia was highly appreciated by the new Emperor Alexander II.

The lost war and the collapse of the diplomatic policy of Count Nesselrode forced Alexander II to change the direction of Russian foreign policy and begin to transform internal management. needed new minister Foreign Affairs, and Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov becomes the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The emperor hoped that the prince would be able to restore the country's prestige, undermined by the defeat in the Crimean War.

Minister Gorchakov outlined the new direction of foreign policy in a circular dated August 21, 1856 and in a personal report to the emperor. It emphasized the government's desire to devote "primary care" internal affairs, spreading activities beyond the empire, “only when the positive benefits of Russia absolutely require it.” The refusal to actively engage in foreign policy was temporary, which is confirmed by Gorchakov’s phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” This meant that Russia would temporarily not actively interfere in European affairs and would not sacrifice its interests in order to support the principles of the Holy Alliance; it would gather its strength.

The new minister saw one of his main tasks in the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. It was also necessary to restore lost influence in the Balkans. Solving these problems required the search for new ways and diplomatic combinations.

New people were needed to solve these problems. In forming the apparatus of the ministry, Alexander Mikhailovich was guided by vocational training employees and their political orientation. He reduced the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, strengthened the responsibility of department heads for decisions made, and eliminated the petty supervision of seniors over juniors. The authority of the new minister, his reasonable demands on his subordinates, trusting relationship with the sovereign and the reorganized apparatus allowed Gorchakov already in 1856 to begin implementing a new foreign policy program.

To solve it, Gorchakov relied on France as the most realistic ally. He believed that the East for Napoleon III “is only a trifle”; for the French emperor, the territory up to the Rhine is important. In September 1857, an agreement was reached with Napoleon III, who, in exchange for Russian support for his plans, promised to act in favor of Russia in Middle Eastern affairs. A positive result of the rapprochement with France was the establishment of cooperation in the Balkans. Starting with concerted actions in support of Montenegro, Russia and France jointly spoke out on the issue of unifying the Danube principalities and expanding their autonomy. Gorchakov understood that the unification of the principalities, weakening Turkey, would also deal a blow to the Treaty of Paris, where their isolation was recorded. When Türkiye began to prepare an intervention against the young Romanian principality, Gorchakov warned it about the inadmissibility of such actions. Alexander Mikhailovich repeatedly raised the question of the need to convene an international conference to discuss the situation of Christians, subjects of the Ottoman Empire. But the proposal of the Russian minister was met with the refusal of England and the passivity of France in this matter.

Events in Poland in 1861-1863 led to the rupture of allied relations between Russia and France. As Gorchakov noted, the Polish question concerned not only Russia - “it was a stumbling block for all powers.” In the early 60s, the French emperor began to actively support Polish emigration in France, and even earlier he raised the question of the status of Poland, which caused the obvious displeasure of Alexander II. After Polish uprising In 1863, the time of concerted action between France and Russia came to an end.

This was the time when Gorchakov was at the top of his career. Carrying out the duties of a minister, in 1862 he became vice-chancellor and became a member of the highest government institutions of Russia. Now he again had to look for a new ally in Russian foreign policy issues. Prussia becomes such an ally. Bismarck, who had long wanted to unite Germany “with iron and blood,” was the first to take steps to bring the two countries closer together. He needed Russian support.

At the beginning of 1863, a secret Russian-Prussian convention on mutual assistance was signed in St. Petersburg “to restore order and tranquility, granting both Russian and Prussian troops the right to cross state border in those cases where it would be necessary to pursue the rebels.” Gorchakov, as well as War Minister Milyutin, caused a negative reaction to this convention. They considered it “unnecessary and dangerous.” And they were not mistaken. Having learned about it, France, England and Austria protested its conclusion and began to insist on the restoration of the Constitution of 1815 in Poland. In an effort to soften the conflict, Gorchakov reminded representatives of these countries about the unity of interests in the fight against revolutions, but at the same time stated that the Polish issue is an internal matter of Russia. Russian ambassadors abroad were ordered to stop all negotiations on Polish affairs.

The uprising in Poland was suppressed, and Russia's differences with England, Austria and France, revealed in recent years, were successfully used by Bismarck to get closer to Russia. As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's war with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov, who became chancellor in 1867, to announce Russia’s rejection of Article 2 of the Treaty of Paris on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at an international conference in London in 1871. Note that the elimination of Article 2 cost Gorchakov a lot of effort. The Russian statement said the 1856 Treaty of Paris had been repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. This treaty puts Russia in an unfair and dangerous position, since Turkey, England and France have military squadrons in the Mediterranean. With Turkey's consent, the appearance of foreign ships in wartime in the Black Sea “could constitute an encroachment against the complete neutrality assigned to these waters” and made the Black Sea coast open to attack. Therefore, Russia “can no longer consider itself bound” to the provisions of Article 2 of the treaty, which poses a threat to its security, but undertakes to comply with the remaining articles. Such a statement was like a bomb explosion, but Gorchakov Allcalculated. In the current situation, England and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to only verbal protests, France was busy with its own affairs, and Bismarck, although he was very irritated by Russia's statement, had to fulfill his promises in its support. Russia received unexpected support from the United States, which said it had never recognized Russian restrictions on the Black Sea.

Now Russia could have a fleet on the Black Sea and build naval bases on the coast. The repeal of the humiliating articles of the Treaty of Paris was a major success of Russian diplomacy, and this success public opinion rightly attributed to Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. He himself considered the solution of this important task to be the main task of his foreign policy activities. In March 1871, he was granted the title of Serene Highness, beginning to be called (with descendants) His Serene Highness.
Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” (1873), trying to use it to prepare for a future war with Turkey.
Russo-Turkish War 1877-1878 was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. With its successful completion, Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. During the war, Gorchakov directed great efforts to ensure the neutrality of European states. In March 1878, a peace treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, according to which Southern Bessarabia, seized by the Treaty of Paris of 1856, was returned to Russia. The success of the Russian army and the peace treaty beneficial for Russiaat the Berlin Congresswere reduced to zero. Russia was represented at the congress by Gorchakov, and as he wrote to Alexander II: “The Berlin Treaty is the darkest page in my career.” Due to the opposition of England and Austria-Hungary, Russia lost the fruits of victory. At the congress there was a break between Gorchakov and Bismarck.

For three more years after the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He continued to make efforts to maintain stability in the country and the "balance of power" in Europe. But the years took their toll, and in 1880 hegoes abroad for treatment, retaining his post as minister.

Which of us needs the Lyceum Day in our old age?
Will you have to celebrate alone?

Unhappy friend! among new generations
The annoying guest is both superfluous and alien,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing my eyes with a trembling hand...
Let it be with sad joy
Then he will spend this day at the cup,
Like now I, your disgraced recluse,
He spent it without grief and worries.

A. S. Pushkin

In 1880, Gorchakov could not come to the celebrations on the occasion of the opening of the monument to Pushkin, but gave interviews to correspondents and Pushkin scholars. Soon after Pushkin's celebrations, Komovsky died, and Gorchakov remained the last lyceum student. These lines of Pushkin turned out to be said about him...

The political career of Prince Gorchakov ended with the Berlin Congress m; From then on, he took almost no part in affairs, although he retained the honorary title of State Chancellor. He ceased to be a minister, even nominally, in March 1882, when N.K. Girs was appointed in his place.

Already without his participation, in 1881 negotiations were held in Berlin on the conclusion of a Russian-German-Austrian alliance. In March 1882, Gorchakov resigned from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, retaining the rank of state magistrate.chancellor and member position State Council. Moving away from the active political life, he often spent time with friends, read a lot, and dictated memoirs about his life and diplomatic activities.Until the lastdaysHesavedwonderful memory.

history.vn.ua ›book/100aristokratov/79.html

Gorchakov in literature:

Pikul V. S. Battle iron chancellors. M., 1977.

Boris Akunin: Azazel, Turkish Gambit under the slightly modified name "Korchakov".

Years of life: 1798-1883

From the biography:

• Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was for 26 years Minister of Foreign Affairs - from 1856 to 1882
• This is the last chancellor of the Russian Empire (since 1876). The Chancellor is the highest rank of civil servant.
• He studied at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, studied together with A.S. Pushkin. He graduated from the Lyceum with a gold medal and was appointed to serve in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
• An educated person who knows several things foreign languages, from his youth he already possessed the qualities necessary for a diplomat: eloquence, the ability to conduct a dialogue with people on equal terms, and defend his positions.
• Worked in embassies in Berlin, Rome, London, Vienna.
• He was appointed head of the Russian foreign policy department at a difficult time - Russia lost in the Crimean War, the international authority of the state fell sharply.
• From 1856-1882 - Minister of Foreign Affairs
• Since 1882 - retired

Activities of A.M. Gorchakov as Minister of Foreign Affairs

• The purpose of his policy- protecting Russia’s national interests, increasing the country’s international authority. First of all, this is the repeal of the provisions of the Paris Treaty.
• His motto - “Russia is concentrating!”
• 1870 - achieved a humiliating ban for Russia on having a navy on the Black Sea. Russia received the right to build naval bases here.
• Correctly identified the need to conclude an alliance with France in 1859, during the period of aggressive German policy
• Managed to overcome the Polish crisis
• In 1858, the Aigun Treaty with China on establishing borders was signed, and in 1860, the Beijing Treaty, which defined the eastern Russian-Chinese border.
• 1867 - agreement with Japan on the peaceful resolution of the conflict over Sakhalin. It was declared "joint ownership".
• Negative score was the agreement on the sale of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands to the United States in 1867.
• Conducted diplomatic reform a service that not only survived until 1917, but also forms the basis of diplomacy to this day.
• A. Gorchakov's popularity and authority declined sharply after he took an uncertain position during the war with Turkey in 1877-1878 and after the unsuccessful Berlin Congress, when Russia lost almost everything it had won during this war. A. Gorchakov initially understood that Russia was not ready for war.

The main provisions of the diplomatic reform of A.M. Gorchakov

“They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but focused »

(The famous phrase of A.M. Gorchakov).

• The main provisions of the reforms were set out in his report to the emperor and in a circular dated August 21, 1856 "Russia is concentrating", sent throughout Europe
• Russia will always follow the course of diplomatic relations with countries.
• Russia will never be unfair to any country
• Russia refrains from active interference in the affairs of other states
• Russia does not intend to sacrifice its national interests to maintain the principles of the Holy Alliance
• Russia considers itself free to choose future friends
• Respect for one’s own interests, a multi-vector foreign policy, including the willingness to conduct dialogue with any country in any region on an equal, mutually respectful basis - these are the basic principles that should underlie foreign policy
• The diplomatic department, according to A. Gorchakov, should employ people who can protect the interests of Russia. It was necessary to have knowledge of two foreign languages ​​and a diploma of higher education.
• Internal tests were introduced for those aspiring to the diplomatic service.
• Systematization of military archives was carried out. Scientists were allowed to visit them for research. This was the first time in Russia.

Thus. A.M. Gorchakov was an outstanding statesman and a brilliant diplomat. He experienced the burden of fame and experienced the envy of his ill-wishers. He was a true patriot of countries, distinguished by his enormous capacity for work, knowledge of the diplomatic intricacies of his work, courage, self-control, and firmness in defending the interests of Russia.

His contribution was appreciated by his contemporaries, and the modern leadership of Russia also turns to his experience of diplomacy. Thus, one of V.V. Putin’s articles in 2012 was entitled: “Russia is concentrating - the challenges that we must respond to.” And October 13 2014 year, as part of the celebration of the 70th anniversary of MGIMO, a monument to the diplomat was unveiled. Sculptor - Ivan Charapkin.

Material for a historical essay

(1855-1881) Area of ​​activity:

Causes:

• A sharp decline in Russia's authority due to defeat in the Crimean War
• Unsuccessful diplomatic policy that led to temporary isolation of Russia

Consequence:

• Increasing the international authority of Russia in connection with the strengthening of its military power and reforms in the army
• The victory of Russian diplomacy in decisions related to the denunciation of the provisions of the Paris Peace Treaty, the establishment of diplomatic relations with many countries, including France and the United States.

Great credit for the successful foreign policy during the reign of Alexander II - A.M.Gorchkova, who headed the foreign department for 26 years, from 1856-1882.

It was the diplomatic talent of this minister, the ability to clearly defend positions, express the national interests of the country, and knowledge of the intricacies of diplomatic negotiations that led to a successful foreign policy. First of all, it should be noted the efforts of A.M. Gorchakov aimed at revising the provisions of the Treaty of Paris of 1856. Russia was returned the right to have a navy and bases on the Black Sea. This did not happen as a result of the war, but thanks to diplomatic negotiations led by A. Gorchakov.

During the period of A. Gorchakov’s activity, Russia signed agreements with China on borders, with Japan on joint ownership of Sakhalin, and with France. Unfortunately, there were negative results in politics. This included the sale of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands to the United States in 1867, and the unsuccessful Congress of Berlin after the war with Turkey of 1877-1878.

However, in general, it was largely the activities of A.M. Gorchakov as Minister of Foreign Affairs that Russia was able to solve the most important foreign policy problems.

This material can be used in preparation for task No. 25.

Material prepared by: Melnikova Vera Aleksandrovna

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov is a famous Russian diplomat. He was born in 1798, in Estonia, in the city of Gapsal, now called Haapsalu. They belonged to an old Russian noble family.

In 1811, he entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where, in addition to him, many famous people in the future studied science, including Pushkin. Alexander Gorchakov was one of the best students, everyone noticed this. And even Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin highly appreciated Gorchakov’s abilities.

In 1816, Alexander Gorchakov began attending additional classes at the Lyceum, which were devoted to diplomacy. A year later, in the summer of 1817, he entered the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

During the congresses of the Holy Alliance, Alexander Mikhailovich was in the retinue. Gorchakov was distinguished from his colleagues by his great hard work and diligence. So, in 1822 he was appointed first secretary of the Russian embassy in London.

The peculiarities of the English climate undermined Gorchakov’s health. In 1827 he was transferred to Rome, and a year later to Florence. In 1833 he found himself in Vienna. In his reports to St. Petersburg, he warned that the Austrians were pursuing a Russophobic policy, although they preserved their outward appearance. After another report on the antics of Austria-Hungary in the Balkans, Alexander Mikhailovich was dismissed.

Returning to his homeland, he married Maria Urusova. Influential relatives of his wife assisted in the return of the disgraced diplomat to public service. In 1841, Gorchakov was appointed Russian ambassador to the Principality of Württemberg. Seven years later, Europe was ablaze with the fires of revolution. Alexander Mikhailovich compiled a report in which he shared his views on the events. The emperor really liked the report. The diplomat earned the respect of the emperor. In 1850, Alexander Gorchakov became envoy extraordinary to the German Union Diet in the city of Frankfurt.

All of Alexander Gorchakov’s fears about Austria were confirmed. It was Vienna that prevented the Russian army from making a rush to Istanbul. The diplomat is sent into the thick of foreign policy squabbles. Yes, exactly to Vienna. Here he works very fruitfully, doing everything to weaken the anti-Russian coalition, but at the same time remaining good friends with everyone. Immediately Gorchakov laid the foundation for friendship with France.

Soon he ascended to the Russian presto. The new emperor appreciated all of Gorchakov’s actions. In 1856, Alexander Mikhailovich became Minister of Foreign Affairs Russian Empire. Three years later, through his efforts, the Russian Empire and France signed a cooperation agreement. France needed support in the war with Austria. After the defeat of the latter, the union state violated the obligation of the treaty.

After the Polish uprising, all European powers wanted independence for this state. Everything except Russia. So, Gorchakov sends letters to all capitals in which he says that the Russian Empire is stopping all negotiations on Poland.

In 1867, Alexander Mikhailovich received the rank of state chancellor. According to the table of ranks, which was still adopted, this was the highest rank of a civil servant. He became the last subject of the Russian Empire to reach this rank.

In the 70s, Prussia crushed France. After the end of the war, Gorchakov declared the peace agreement after the Crimean War invalid. This was a victory for Russian diplomacy.

In 1882, the diplomat resigned. Emperor Alexander II accepted the resignation. A year later Gorchakov died. Alexander Mikhailovich is an outstanding personality of the 19th century in Russian history, an amazing diplomat and person.